colonial insertion and news coverage by - repositorium – Uminho

Title: Colonialisms, Post-colonialisms and Lusophonies – Proceedings of the 4th International Congress in Cultural Studies Coordination: Maria Manuel Baptista e Sara Vidal Maia Editing: Programa Doutoral em Estudos Culturais ISBN 978-989-98219-2-7 IRENNE – Associação de Investigação, Prevenção e Combate à Violência e Exclusão ISBN 978-989-98912-1-0 Ver O Verso Edições ISBN 978-989-8015-19-8 Editorial Coordination: Alina Timóteo, Monise Martinez and Raquel Neves Cover: Maria Joana Alves Pereira Graphic Design: Raquel Neves Revision: Alina Timóteo, Monise Martinez and Giane Escobar Pagination: Raquel Neves Support: Online Edition April 2014 ©All Rights Reserved. Articles and formatting are the responsibility of the authors.


Keynote speakers


Paradox of functionality? On the postcolonial/ post-conquest state in Africa


Daydreaming meditation between the river and the forest (Amazonian Culture generating knowledge)


Communication and technologies, colonisation and decolonisation 1


Decolonization 2.0: Digital tools and challenges to Latin American historical discourses


Genivalda Cândido da Silva & Flávia Maciel Paulo dos Anjos

Sanctuary of Senhor Bom Jesus do Bomfim, Salvador. A case study on tradition, memory and folk communication in audiovisual production


Madalena Oliveira

Colonies of Sounds: The role of radio in the sound expression of lusophony


The issue of national language in Nossa Senhora do Desterro in the nineteenth century: the speeches of the newspaper O Cacique


The decolonisation of imaginaries in literature 1


From speech to writing: Mozambican history and memory in Ualalapi (1987) by Ungulani Ba Ka Khosa


Postcolonialism and religiosity in African literatures


Patrícia Trindade Nakagome

Lusophony in East Timor: between discourse and project



Communication, culture and media representations 


Ada Cristina Silveira, Isabel Guimarães & Aline Dalmolin

The south-american condo: colonial insertion and news coverage by Brazilian mainstream media


Jean-Martin Rabot & Mafalda da Silva Oliveira

The southern colonization by north: the financial crisis in the international press


Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe João Paes Loureiro

SESSION 1 Genaro Oliveira

Suzane Cardoso Gonçalves Madruga SESSION 2 Denise Rocha Silvio Ruiz Paradiso

Bruna Rocha Silveira & Lúcia Loner Coutinho Ana Carolina Escosteguy, Ana Luiza Coiro Moraes & Flavi Ferreira Lisbôa Filho

I’m still standing: the representation of disability in Glee


Circuit of culture: a way of analyzing the recolonizations of ways of being in the context of contemporary Brazilian television




Displacements, Diasporas e Hybridisms in Post-Colonial Contexts119 The discovery of Portugal. A trip to an afflicted country


Isabela Cabral Félix de Sousa

Migrant women in search and achievements in educations and health: considerations of a collective struggle


Miriam de Oliveira Santos

Culture, Identity and Nation among Italian Immigrant Descendents in the South of Brazil


Joana Bahia

Noémia Maria Simões

Ethno-navigations: (post)colonial narratives, between global and local141 Tourism, Culture and Leisure in post-colonial contexts


Why do we travel?


Helena Cristina Vasconcelos Silva

Cultural tourism serving lusophony: know the city of Aveiro through the tiles


Silvana Micaela Jesus Serrão

Lusophone Poets – to the Discovery of a Literary City


Colonisations and Decolonisations: Historical Processes 1


Testamentary gifts of land to slaves and former slaves in Sergipe, northeast Brazil, between the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries


SESSION 5 Adriana Brambilla & Maria Manuel Baptista

SESSION 6 Hortência Gonçalves, Lilian Wanderley & Carmen Costa Diego da Costa Vitorino & Dulce Consuelo Whitaker Benedita do Socorro Matos Santos & Sousa, A. N. Gilberto Santiago & Ye lin SESSION 7 Daniel Mandur Thomaz

Alessandro da Silva Paola Jochimsen, Aline Farias, Sarah Ipiranga Elisângela de Jesus Santos

The history of education of the black people: a case study on culture and social memory in the Vale do Paraíba – São Paulo - Brazil 184 Ecclesiastical Administration of Indian Villages in Grão-Pará and Maranhão: strategies and adaptations to the Alvará of July 25, 1638


Literature and Identity in The Utopia Generation by Pepetela


The presence of the colonial and the post-colonial imaginary in Literature 1


Decommemo-rating the Past, Decolonizing the Present: Historical References in Brazilian Art and Literature during the Democratic Transition


New latin american historical novel: a critical approach of La Pasión de los Nómades, by María Rosa Lojo


A disobedient son: Machado de Assis and the Brazilian nation


Under the sign of “Jeca Tatu”: notes on the construction of ethnocultural stereotypes in Brazilian literature and cinema during the 20th century



The presence of the colonial and the post-colonial imaginary in literature 2


Simão Daniel Fonseca

The Bible between Prosperous and Caliban


Luiz Henrique Barbosa

The political and social statute and the deterritoriali-zation of memory in colonial Angola in O vendedor de passados, by José Eduardo Agualusa


Self-referenciality, mirror, and memory in Lobo Antunes


Returns and departures: the exotopic imagination of postcolonial Portugal


The decolonisation of imaginaries in literature 


The Italo Calvino’s narrative tarot in “The castle of crossed destinations” and the Eco’s “Groves”: a look permeated by Cultural Studies


The implosion of the concepts of gender in the works of Mia Couto


João Gilberto Noll and the pomosexuality


Vera Borges

“Transforma-se o amador na coisa amada”: the exemplary journeys of Ruy Cinatti and Fernanda Dias in Timor and Macau



The decolonisation of imaginaries in literature 3


Mariazinha in Africa: new horizons of colonial literature


Creation, art, memory: the word for Ana Hatherly


The writings of Artur Barrio and the non-place poetics


Lusophony, World Literature and Meanderings: a presentation


Communication and technologies, colonisation and decolonisation 2


The lusophony in the blogosphere: from the “imagined community” to the “imaginative community”


Brown-skinned girl/woman: media experiences and cultural identities in hip hop


The Brazilian counterintuitive advertising and its discursive performance in stereotypes


Decolonizing museological documentation through ICTS: Web 2.0 as a tool for self representation of afro-bahian carnival groups in MAFRO - UFBA



Neiva Kampff Garcia Rita Ribeiro & Sheila Khan

SESSION 9 Maria Fatima Menegazzo Nicodem & Teresa Kazuko Teruya Márcio Matiassi Cantarin Carlos Eduardo de Araujo Plácido

Ana Isabel Evaristo Claudia Mentz Martins Luciana Campos de Faria Ana Margarida Fonseca SESSION 11 Lurdes Macedo Célia Regina da Silva Francisco Leite Rita de Cássia Maia da Silva


The decolonisation of imaginaries in literature 4


“They ´ll always be proud for what they´ve done – a view on August Wilson´s theatre play “Ma Rainey´s Black Bottom”


The national nostalgia: Alencar’s indianity


The writers and the city: representations of cultural identity in the capital of Brazil


Caderno de memórias coloniais, by Isabela Figueiredo: a memento of colonial africa in the feminine


Performing arts and the decolonisation of imaginaries 1


Andréa Bentes Flores & Wladilene de Sousa Lima

The Amazon region in female comicalities: mapping references


Olinda Margaret Charone

The brincante being: way of life and Art


Gafieira: a place of memories of dancing bodies


In praise of a queer theatre



Performing arts and the decolonisation of imaginaries 2


Tiago José Lemos Monteiro

Well beyond the “Casa Portuguesa”: an analysis of mass popular music exchanges between Brazil and Portugal


The increasing popularity of lusofonia in music festivals: towards positive ethnization? 


Personalities of the lusophony: a perspective about the performing arts


Walter Chile Rodrigues Lima & Agenor Sarraf Pacheco

The Cacuri Theatre: an Amazonian attempt to decolonise the scenic environment


Maria Joana Alves Pereira & Maria Manuel Baptista

The Cavaquinho: from Braguinha to Ukelele - Metaphors of colonialism and post-colonialism


Identities and Representations in colonial and post-colonial contexts 1


SESSION 12 Maria de Fátima Neves Pais Natália Alves Liziane Soares Guazina Mário Paulo Costa Martins


Ana Maria de São José Kauan Amora & Wladilene de Sousa Lima

Bart Paul Vanspauwen Vanessa Lamego

SESSION 15 Rosa Branca Figueiredo Wladilene de Sousa Lima Paulo Jorge Ribeiro Rosa Cabecinhas

Post-colonial identities: multi-lingual, multiethnic and multi-cultural 473 Searching for the decolonization of research methods: how does one rehearse to be a Ph.D. in cultural studies?


The subaltern intellectual’s places of speech: Paulo Lins and Cidade de Deus in contact zones


Who wants to be erased? Social Representations of World History and Decolonisation of Thought



SESSION 16 Vítor de Sousa

Pedro Andrade Nara Maria Rocha & Maria de Fátima Costa SESSION 17 Angelo Marcelo Vasco Carlos Eduardo Amaral de Paiva

Identities and Representations in colonial and post-colonial contexts 2


What is the meaning of“Diaspora”in the times of globalization? The controversial relationship between Empire, Lusophony and “portugalidade”


Hybridization and postcolonialism


Epistemologies of the South and the social studies of childhood: children and African ancestry in school


Identities and Representations in colonial and post-colonial contexts 3


Miscegenation and national identity: reflections towards a decolonization of Brazilian imaginary


Postcolonialism and miscegenation: colonization in Brazil as a particular case




Lélian Oliveira Silveira & Maria Manuel Baptista

Encounter with paradise: the imaginary awakened by the Letter of the Discovery of Brazil


Giane Vargas Escobar & Ana Luiza Coiro Moraes

Identities and representations of black women in the press in Santa Maria-RS


Tourism in post-colonial Lusophone contexts 


Belem – The World Lusophone two steps away: proposal for Cultural-Tourist route in Belem (Lisbon)


From Belém to Tarrafal: Dark Tourism as a vehicle for multiple (post) colonial narratives


Culture and leisure in the Amazon: the European influence on leisure practices and the creation of green spaces in Belém, Brazil


Identities and Representations in colonial and post-colonial contexts 4


Beyond the colonial marks: What is Exibited and What is Taught about Afro-Brazilians in the Museums in Rio Grande do Sul/Brazil


Identity and utopia: a speech for the new times


SESSION 18 Daniel Santos Costa Belmira Coutinho & Maria Manuel Baptista Sílvio Lima Figueiredo & Mirleide Chahar Bahia SESSION 19 Maria Angélica Zubaran & Lisandra Maria Rodrigues Machado Madalena Zaccara Filomena Imaculada Conceição Pinto Cauê Gomes Flor

Polyphonies in East Timor: a new identity paradigm in postcolonialism600 Racialization of the ethnicization: a case study of Angolan immigrants in Brazil



Identities and Representations in colonial and post-colonial contexts 5


Epistemologies and Theory Decolonial


Flávia Lages de Castro

Cultural policies and Agamben


Jenny Campos & Maria Manuel Baptista

Lusophony and the CPLP: a game of (In)compatibilities


Coloniality and immigration: political and epistemological strategies of subjugating immigrants from the South as subordinate subjects


Identities and Representations in colonial and post-colonial contexts 6


Maria Manuel Baptista & Larissa Latif

South America in Armando de Aguiar’s O Mundo que os Portugueses Criaram: a mythical narrative of an imaginary journey


Aline Bazzarella Merçon

Lusophony and identity in higher education: concepts and discussions647

SESSION 20 José Jaime Freitas Macedo

João Paulo Pereira Lázaro


Iara Souza

The candle and the amazonian imaginary


Gender: the body’s imaginary from colonialism to decolonialism 1


Sara Vidal Maia & João Canha Hespanhol

The (de)colonization of gender power: the critique of unity and of difference


Vera Fernandes & Ludmila Mourão

Different representations of femininity: a Study of Female Boxers and MMA Fighters


Natália Ledur Alles & Denise Cogo

I’m happy in being a prostitute! – Gender, public policies and narratives about prostitution in Brazil


Ane Lise Vieira

The mith of peace, memory and trauma in complex da Penha: an area pacified in the outskirts of Rio de Janeiro


Literature and editorial policies in lusophone contexts


Predominance of colonialism in the post-colonialism of Jesusalém by Mia Couto


Among editions and impression: reflections of Orientalism in autobiographies of Arab and Muslim women published in Portugal



SESSION 23 Maria Elena Dias Ortíz & Runyuan Jiang Monise Martinez Raquel Martinez Neves

New orthographic agreement: still colonial and post-colonial issues?  712

Alina Monteiro Timóteo

The presence of the Lusophone Africa literature on Editorial Caminho: Post-colonialism and Lusophonies



Gender: the body’s imaginary from colonialism to decolonialism 2


Sexual education in Brazil: powers, resistances and contradictions


Girls do not fight and boys do not cry: permissiveness and Prohibitions Constituting Gender Identities


Lídia Maria Caiado Batista Valadares

Matters of genre in colonial and post-colonial contexts: the Feminine Universe in Niketche: a process of identity reconstruction


Janaina Sampaio Zaranza & Maria Isabel Linhares

Subaltern Voices: Gender Conflicts within Colonial and Postcolonial Contexts


Cinema, representations and identities 1


Cinema and Representations of Indigenous Groups in Brazil spectators, actors and producers


The African audiovisual: displacements and decolonisation


From ceremony to musical music’s role in post-colonial identity constructon in Flora Gomes’ films


Cinema, representations and identities 2


Decolonizing Cinema: An analysis of Indigenous filmmaking in Latin America and Australasia


Black is a color: youth in Montion by Pedro Costa


The Cultural Hybridism in Yasmin


Youth culture and cultural policies in post-colonial contexts


Postcolonialim and politics of identity – democracy and mobilities: a study about the social actors of the collective Fora do Eixo and its politics of identity (2005-2013)


Daniela Matos & Josenildo Júnior

Ponto Cultura Mais Circo (Culture Plus Circus Center): An example of culture decolonization


Maria Isabel Bezerra Linhares & Janaina Zaranza

Reflections on youth cultures: towards an understanding of youth culture in contemporary society


Deborah Lima & Luiz Rodrigues

Culture stations: new typologies for cultural fostering – a Brazilian example


Brazil: experiences of coping with colonialisms in various historical periods


Epistemic Colonialism in the Academy: dissident experiences of emacipatory epistemologies in a university context


SESSION 24 Fabiana Aparecida de Carvalho Juliana Ribeiro Vargas

SESSION 25 Renato Izidoro Silva & Karliane Macedo Nunes Lisabete Coradini Carolin Overhoff Ferreira

SESSION 26 Aline Frey Ana Cristina Pereira Márcia Fontes Ferreira SESSION 27 Wener da Silva Brasil

SESSION 28 Alba Carvalho & Eliana Guerra


Irlene Menezes Graça Ercílio Langa

SESSION 29 Ana Sofia Neno Leite

Global tourism and its impact on the life of the local population in Barreirinhas: new forma of colonialism?


African Diaspora in Ceará: Integration experiences of African immigrant students in university


Lusophonies, tourism, culture and patrimony


Portuguese castles in Safi: the decolonization of heritage discourses 870 Ex-votos: tradition, art and permanencies, from Portugal to Brazil


Hortência Gonçalves & Carmen Costa

Rites and religiosity in the care of dead in Sergipe and in Trobriand Islands (1800-1819/1915-1916)


Sara Pinho

Cultural Tourism – Discover Aveiro with Eça de Queirós: two Literature itineraries


António Manuel Gonçalves and the Oriental Art Section of Aveiro Museum


Colonisations and Decolonisations: Historical Processes 2


The Miracle of Maurício: Multicultural Toleration and Decolonising Tendencies in Seventeenth-Century Brazil 


José Cláudio Alves Oliveira

Mª Madalena Cardoso da Costa SESSION 30 Zuzana Poláčková & Pieter C. van Duin Fernanda Bianca Gonçalves Gallo Thiago Ferreira

SESSION 31 Alexandre Mazzoni & Marcos Garcia Neira Maria Emília de Lima

Marcos Garcia Neira

Fellipe Martins & Lucidia Santiago SESSION 32 Cássia Oliveira

Is it possible to talk of “decolonization” and “recolonization” in Mozambique?921 The Colonization of the Bodies: nudity, Sodomy and the Inquisition in the Luso-Brazilian Territory


Education and identities: decolonising thought 1


“I’ve come from the same place they have”: relationships between personal experiences and a multiculturally oriented Physical Education


Physical Education at schools colonized by the objectifications of non-critical curriculums and the alternatives so that voices and subdued gestures could be recognized


“There are people who dance well, there are people who dance poorly. I dance poorly”: influences of the Physical Education curriculum in positioning the individual


Environmental education and candomble: African religiosity as environmental awareness


Education and the construction of Otherness in post-colonial contexts


The beauty of the childhood blows winds of hope



Lilian Ramos Maria Zanini & Miriam Santos João José Saraiva da Fonseca SESSION 33

The invention of democracy in Brazilian schools


Multiculturalism and cultural diversity at school’s routine


Social representations of Portugal and the Portuguese in the history textbooks of Brazilian elementary education


Education and identities: decolonising thought 2


Kalyla Maroun, Edileia Carvalho & Suely de Oliveira

The quilombola schools and educational system: the announcement of a decolonized mode of education in Brazil


Ivan Luis dos Santos

Cultural physical education and the decolonization of the curriculum: interweaving paths to schematization and problematization of body practices


Camila Aguiar & Marcos Garcia Neira

Curricular guidelines for Physical Education in the city of São Paulo: propositions and possibilities


Delci Heinle Klein

Directing school population conducts: the mobilization for quality on Brazilian basic education following the establishment of IDEB




Keynote speakers

The concept “failed-state” carries an understandable melodramatic import! It refers to the inability or failure of a state to fulfil some of its key roles and responsibilities to its people(s) and others domiciled within its territory and consequently to its neighbour(s) and the wider global community of states. According to the latest Washington-based Fund for Peace thinktank’s annual research publication, “The Failed States Index 2013”, there are 12 indicators at which state failure materialises and these can be grouped into three broad spheres or categories with respect to the impact on the lives of the people(s): social, political and economic (Fund for Peace, “The Indicators”, http:// [accessed 2 July 2013]). African countries, unsurprisingly, fare most poorly at each and across these 12 crucial variables at the centre of the fund’s research, but particularly in the following, with the inescapable crushing consequences on the lives and wellbeing of the peoples: 1. Legitimacy of the state 2. Rise of fractionalised elite 3. Chronic and sustained human rights violation 4. Uneven economic development 5. Poorly, sharp and severe economic decline 6. Massive movement of refugees or internally displaced persons

Paradox of functionality? On the postcolonial/ post-conquest state in Africa Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe1

Thus, the highlights for Africa in the fund’s current research make for depressing reading and are as follows (Fund for Peace, “The Failed States Index 2013”, rankings-2013-sortable [accessed 2 July 2013]): 16 out of the world’s “worst 20 states”; 20 out of the “worst 30 states”; 34 (well over one-half of all the continent’s so-called sovereign states) of the “worst 54 states”. It is not inconceivable, given this rate of state failure, that by the time this ENABED biennial assembly has its first conference of the next decade, in 2021, “54 out of the worst 54 states” in the world could be in Africa! For the purposes of this paper, the following two key empirical determinants of state failure are keenly explored:  (1) the state’s inability to provide security and (2) the state’s inability to provide essential social services. Let us elaborate on each of them: 1.   The state’s inability to provide security to its population – This situation may have arisen because the state no longer exercises control across part/parts or all of its territory. Factors such as catastrophic breakdowns in vital internal sociopolitical and economic relations, intra-regime fractionalism and rivalries, external invasion and occupation of territory, and unmanageable natural disasters would contribute to the failure. It could also be


1 Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe is a British professor who is a specialist on the state and genocide and wars in Africa. He is currently visiting professor at the Universidade de Fortaleza, Brazil

Paradox of functionality? On the postcolonial/ post-conquest state in Africa || Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe

due to the state’s violation of the human rights of the people(s) including a deliberate state policy to embark on the destruction of one or more of its constituent nations/peoples/religious groups, etc., etc. 2. The state’s inability to provide essential social services  (communication infrastructure, health care, education, housing and recreation, development of culture) to its people(s) or the state’s deliberate policy to deny or partially offer such services to some of its constituent nations/peoples/ religious groups… This failure could be the consequence of a state’s dwindling fiscal/material resources or just sheer incompetence in its management capacity. Alternatively, this inability points to the staggering nature of corruption and largely institutionalised norm of non-accountability in the access and control of public-owned finances by state officials and their agents. Christopher Clapham has argued that the concept “failed-state” is “one of those categories that is named after what it isn’t, rather than what it is” (Christopher Clapham, “Failed States and Non-states in the Modern International Order”, paper presented at conference on failed states, Florence, Italy, April 2000, [accessed 15 June 2013]). This is vital in the discourse to the effect that a state, such as Nigeria or Sudan for instance, that embarks on the genocide of its population or does not provide basic services for its people or immanently churns out successive regimes that fleece the collective wealth of the country can hardly merit such a definition in social science. All we need do to highlight the obvious flaw in applying this concept in Africa is to reflect on the fact that crucial state functions such as the provision of security, rule of law, a rationalising but flexible structure of management, accountability and open and unfettered competition, especially with respect to regime change, have not been in operation in any African state since the conquest and occupation of most of the continent by a constellation of European countries in the 19th century. Tragically, in the 57 years since the concerted African drive towards the restoration of its independence resulted in the supposedly 1956 breakthrough in the Sudan, followed soon in 1957 by Ghana, the situation has not changed significantly in Africa for the realisation of these attributes of the state. Ultimately, the major limitation of the use of the “failed-state” concept to assess the catastrophic situation in contemporary Africa is that it confers an unjustifiable presumption of rationality to an enterprise in which a spectrum of outcomes ranging from perhaps “failure” to “outright failure” to “disaster” is predetermined; it is assumed that those who run the state in Africa (Obasanjo, Idi Amin, Taylor, Moi, Habre, Doe, Gowon, Mobutu, Ahidjo, Jonathan, Rawlings, Obote, Babangida, Mengistu, Abacha, Mugabe, Mohammed, Banda, Abubakar, Bokassa, Jammeh, Eyadema, Buhari, Toure, Museveni, Yar’Adua, Biya, Al-Bashier …) are aware of this test and its evaluative scruples and, like any rational participant, would want to succeed … If they do not do so well, at some instance, so goes the logic, they will try to improve on their previous score and, hopefully, do better … Success is always a possibility! It is on the basis of this possibility that Roland Oliver concludes his own controversial contribution to this debate. If one, for a moment, ignores the gratuitous racism and paternalism embedded in the premise of Oliver’s contribution as well as the highly contestable analytical category on which it is hinged, which I will be focussing on shortly, Oliver notes: “With its overriding population problem, Africa can hardly expect to achieve First World standards of economic development within the next century [i.e. 21st century] but with just a little more day-to-day accountability, it could at least recover the confidence to continue the uphill struggle with more success” (Roland Oliver, “The condition of Africa”, Times Literary Supplement [London], 20 September 1991: 9). On the contrary, there is limited indication on the ground that African state operatives currently or indeed in the past 57 years have approached statecraft as a challenge to succeed in transforming the lives of their


Paradox of functionality? On the postcolonial/ post-conquest state in Africa || Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe

peoples. “Success” is never a goal set along the trajectory of their mission. To that extent, Oliver’s conclusion is, ironically, quite optimistic. Furthermore, it should be noted that given the evidently limited concerns on just “measuring” the scoreboard of performance, “failed-states”’s discourses tend to overlook the much more expansive turbulence of underlying history – the kind of project that is being mounted here in this presentation. So, rather than relations that bring benefits to many of its people, the state in Africa has “evidently been a source of suffering”, to quote Clapham (“Failed States and Non-states in the Modern International Order”), an imagery consistent with Basil Davidson’s description of the impact of this state on the African humanity as a “curse” (Basil Davidson, Black Man’s Burden: Africa and the Curse of the Nation-State [London: James Currey, 1992]). Richard Dowden also uses a health metaphor to capture the legacy of the African state when he notes, alluding to its genesis: “[this European]-scissors and paste job [has indeed caused Africa] much blood and tears” (Richard Dowden, “Redrawing the outmoded colonial map of Africa”, Independent [London), 10 September 1987]). For her own observation, Lynn Innes is in no doubt that the African state has created what she describes as a “deeply diseased [outcome]” on the continent (C.L. Innes, Chinua Achebe [Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1990: 151]). The health metaphor stretches even to the psychiatric as Thomas Pakenham observes: “One has only to think of the bloody … wars that followed decolonisation to see the craziness of these lines drawn on maps in Europe by men ignorant of African geography and history” (Thomas Pakenham, “The European share-out of the spoils of Africa”, Financial Times [London], 15 February 1988). Chester Crocker points to the fundamental problem of the state in Africa. It is “not the absence of nations; it is the absence of states with the legitimacy and authority to manage their affairs … As such, they have always derived a major, if not dominant, share of their legitimacy from the international system rather than from domestic society” (Chester Crocker, “Engaging Failing States”, Foreign Affairs, September/October 2003: 37). It is this question of alienability that is at the crux of this grave crisis. These references help to underscore the lack of consensus among scholars studying the “failed states” of contemporary Africa on the terms of the evaluative parameters of this enterprise including the crucial constitutive timeframes of assessing and therefore concluding when this or that African state “began to fail” or/and when indeed it “failed”. There is a tendency by some experts, including the Fund for Peace, which we referred to earlier, to arbitrarily circumscribe the limit of the focus of interrogation to the so-called African post-conquest epoch (i.e., post-January 1956 – following the presumed restoration of independence in the Sudan from the British conquest and occupation) with the underlying presumption that the state, as formulated and constituted on the eve of the “restoration of independence”, has a definitive and enduring internal logic to its being. I would wish to question this presumption in this paper by arguing that, to the contrary, quite a number of African states were already “failed states” on the eve of the so-called restoration of independence. Furthermore, there is a surprising “missing link” in these studies. Fund for Peace and others do no interrogate the intrinsic capacity and performance of any of these African states on their pivotal role in the global economy all the while, essentially the primary reason for their existence – since their creation. An exploration and a restoration of this “missing link” is very important as we shall realise shortly, and is therefore the primary concern of this paper. It will enable us answer the question posed in the title of the presentation: The state in Africa – Whose state is it? Africa has uninterruptedly been a net-exporter of capital to the Western World since 1981. The thundering sum of US$400 billion is the total figure that Africa has transferred to the West in this manner to date (Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe, Readings from Reading: Essays on African Politics, Genocide, Literature, 2011: 41-42, 176-177). These are  legitimate, accountable transfers, largely covering the


Paradox of functionality? On the postcolonial/ post-conquest state in Africa || Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe

ever-increasing interest payments for the “debts” the West claims African regimes owe it, beginning from the 1970s. A 2010 study by Global Financial Integrity, another Washington-based research organisation, shows that Africa may have also transferred the additional sum of US$854 billion since the 1970s (“this figure might be more than double, at [US]$1.8 trillion”, the study cautions – “Illicit financial flows from Africa: Hidden resource for development”, view/300/75/ [accessed 25 April 2013]) through illegitimate exports by the “leaderships” of corrupt African regimes – with Nigeria, a state that I have argued severally failed in 1945 whilst still under British occupation (see, for instance, Ekwe-Ekwe: 136), topping this league at US$240.7 billion. In effect, the state, in Africa, no longer pretends that it exists to serve its peoples. Additionally, and this might appear paradoxical,   trade figures and associated data readily obtainable indicate that these African states of seeming dysfunction have performed their utmost, year in, year out, in that key variable for which their European World creators established them in the first place: redoubts for export services of designated mineralogical/agricultural products to the European World/overseas. There are no indications, whatsoever, that any of these countries has found it difficult to fulfil its principal obligations on this accord – not genocidist and kakistocratic Nigeria, no. 16 on the Fund for Peace’s current failed states index; not genocidist Democratic Republic of the Congo, no. 2, which has 80 per cent of the world’s reserves of coltan,** refined columbitetantalite, critical in the manufacture of a range of small electronic equipment including, particularly, laptop computers and mobile phones; not genocidist Sudan, no. 3; not Chad, no. 5; not even Somalia, the world’s no.1 worst state. This is the context that that seemingly contradictory aphorism, “Africa works”, becomes hugely intelligible. Appositely, the raison d’être of the “state” in Africa is not really to serve its people(s), African peoples; it is, on the contrary, to respond, unfailingly, to the objective needs of its creators overseas. And to that extent, Africa, contrary to popular, predictable perception is a success, is working! For instance, thanks to the continuing inordinate leverage that Britain and France, the two foremost conqueror-states of Africa, exercise in these fundamentally anti-African principalities tagged “the state” in Africa, both European countries have a greater secured access to Africa’s critical resources today than at any time during decades of their formal occupation of the continent. France, right from the post-World War II leadership of Charles de Gaulle to the current François Hollande’s has such glaring contempt for the notion of “sovereignty” in the so-called  francophonie  Africa, ensuring that France has invaded most of these 22 African countries 51 times since 1960 (for an excellent study on French hegemonic control of the finances/economies of these countries, see Gary Busch, “Africans pay for the bullets the French use to kill them”, article-africans-pay-for-the-bullets-the-french-use-to-kill-them-82337836.html  [accessed 15 May 2013]). As for Britain, sheer greed and opportunism appear to be the guiding principle to attaining its unenviable position as the leading arms-exporter to Africa, including Africa’s leading genocidestates (See, for instance, journalist Charles Onyango-Obbo’s candid insight on the subject in a BBC interview, “UK arming African countries”, stm [accessed 12 May 2013]). Indeed, France and Britain have never had it so good in Africa. This is the background to which the brazenly racist epithet “sub-Sahara Africa” is operationalised currently (see Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe,“‘Do you still read or hear of “sub-Sahara Africa”?’ … ‘What is it anyway?’ ...”, html [accessed 14 June 2013]). Those crucial African capital exports referred to earlier, legitimate or/and illegitimate, are funds of gargantuan proportions produced by the same humanity that many a commentator or campaign project would be quick to categorise as “poor” and “needy” for “foreign aid”. In the past 30 years,


Paradox of functionality? On the postcolonial/ post-conquest state in Africa || Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe

these funds could and should easily have provided a comprehensive healthcare programme across Africa, the establishment of schools, colleges and skills’ training, the construction of an integrative communication network, the transformation of agriculture to abolish the scourge of malnutrition, hunger and starvation, and, finally, it would have stemmed the emigration of 12 million Africans, including crucial sectors of the continent’s middle classes and intellectuals to the Americas, Europe, Asia and elsewhere in the world since the 1980s. Yet, despite these grim times of pulverised economies and failed and collapsing states in Africa, we shouldn’t ever forget that those who still ensure that the situation on the ground is not much worse for the peoples than it is, are Africans – individuals, working alone, conscientiously, or working in concert with others or within a larger group to feed, clothe, house, educate and provide healthcare and some leisure to immediate and extended families, communities, neighbourhoods, villages and the like. For example, the surgeon who not only works tirelessly in a city hospital, with very limited resources, but uses his scarce savings to build a health centre and an access road in his village with subsidised treatment and prescription costs; the nurse who travels around her expansive health district, unfailingly, bringing care to the doorsteps of the people who neither can afford nor access it physically; the retired diplomat who has mobilised her community to set up a robust environmental care service that has involved the construction of public parks, regular refuse collection and some recycling, after-school free tuition for children with a planned community newspaper in the pipeline; the coach transport operator who lays out scores of his coaches to ferry survivors of a recently organised pogrom 350 miles away to safety; the civil rights activist and intellectual who rallies members of his internet discussion groups within the course of a month’s intense campaign to successfully apprehend a contractor who was about to abscond with millions of (US) dollars’ worth of public funds meant for a crucial upgrade of an international airport initially built by the community; a stretch of individuals’ programmes of scholarships for students at varying levels of school life, provision of staff salaries in schools and colleges, maintenance of libraries and laboratories in schools and colleges, construction and maintenance of vital infrastructure in villages and counties, etc., etc. These are the authors busily scripting the path of the renaissance Africa. To cap these phenomenal strides of Africans, the 12 million African émigrés mentioned earlier presently constitute the  primary exporters  of capital to Africa itself. Africans now dispatch more money to Africa than “Western aid” to the continent, year in, year out. In 2003, according to the World Bank, these African overseas residents sent to Africa the impressive sum of US$200 billion – invested directly in their communities (World Bank, “Migrant Labor Remittances in Africa”, Africa Regional Paper Series, No. 64, Washington, November 2003: 12). This is 40 times the sum of “Western aid” in real terms in the same year – i.e. when the pervasive “overheads” attendant to the latter are accounted for (cf. Fairouz El Tom’s recently concluded informed research, “Do NGOs practise what they preach?”, [accessed 15 May 2013]). In a sentence:  The African humanity currently generates, overwhelmingly, the capital resource that at once sustains its very existence and is intriguingly exported to the Western World. It is precisely the same humanity that those who benefit immeasurably from this conundrum (over several decades and are guaranteed to benefit indefinitely from it, except this is stopped by Africans) have consistently portrayed, quite perversely, as a “charity case”. The notion that Africans are in any way dependent on a European World/Western World or any other overseas’s “handout” is at best a myth or at worst an all-out lie – perpetuated by a circle of academics and in the media who in fact in the not-too-distantpast would have been in the vanguard “justifying”/“rationalising” African enslavement or/and the conquest and occupation of Africa.


Paradox of functionality? On the postcolonial/ post-conquest state in Africa || Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe

Surely, this historic big lie of characterisation can no longer be sustained. Africa is endowed with the human resource and capital resource (in all its calibration and manifestation) to build advanced civilisations provided Africans abandon the prevailing “Berlin-states” of dysfunction that they have been forced into by the latter’s creators  as we shall be elaborating soon. Thus, Africa’s pressing problem in the past 57 years of presumed restoration of independence has been how to husband incredible range of abundance of human and non-human resources for the express benefits of the peoples rather than it being fritted away so criminally. Population, food, future There has often been a “politically correct” rhetoric bandied about incessantly by some in academia, media and elsewhere who discuss this grave crisis of contemporary Africa in the context of population (as a useful background to this rhetoric, see, particularly, Roland Oliver, “The condition of Africa”: 8, already referred to). Africa, it is concluded in these assertions, requires some “decrease” in its population and/or population-growth as an important measure towards achieving a “solution”. On the contrary, as we now demonstrate, Africa is, indeed, in no way overpopulated. The population argument is usually advanced on a number of fronts. First, there is a “theory” that the given landmass which presently defines Africa and its various so-called 54 nation-states cannot sustain the existing populations, but, more critically, the “projected populations” in years to come. We shall examine the degree to which this “theory” is able to stand up to serious scientific scrutiny first by comparing Africa’s landmass vis-à-vis its population and those of some of the countries of the world. Africa’s population is currently one billion covering an incredible vast landmass of 30,221,533 sq km or about four times the landmass of Brazil  (all the statistics here on countries’ population, landmass and the like are derived from The World Bank,  World Development Report 2012  and United Nations Development Programme, Human Development Report 2012). Ethiopia’s landmass is 1,221,892 sq km, five times the size of Britain’s at 244,044 sq km. Yet Britain’s population of 62 million is three-quarters that of Ethiopia’s 83 million. As for Somalia, it is 2.6 times the size of Britain but has a population of only 9 million. Sudan and South Sudan provide an even more fascinating comparison. Whilst both countries are 10 times the size of Britain, they support a population of 45 million – about 70 per cent the size of Britain. In fact the Sudans have a landmass equal to that of India which is populated by 1.22 billion people – i.e., more than the population of all of Africa! Britain is one-tenth the size of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) which has a landmass of 2,345,395 sq km, similar to the Sudans and India. In other words, the DRC is about ten times the size of Britain but with a population of 71 million, nine million more than the population of the latter. Even though the DRC landmass is about twice that of all of Britain, France and Germany (1,275,986 sq km), it has just about one-third of these three west European countries’ total population of 208 million. Inevitably, the evidence does beg the question as to where this population really is! Second, let us examine similarly sized countries. France has a landmass of 547,021 sq km close to Somalia’s. However, France’s population of 65 million is about seven times the population of Somalia. Similarly, Botswana is slightly larger than France at 660,364 sq km but with a population of 2 million, a minuscule proportion of France’s. Uganda’s landmass at 236,039 sq km is about the size of Britain’s 244,044 sq km. Yet with a population of only 33 million, Uganda is about half that of Britain’s. Similarly, Ghana’s landmass of 238,535 sq km makes it approximately equal to the size of Britain. Ghana is however populated by only 25 million people, far less than one-half Britain’s population.


Paradox of functionality? On the postcolonial/ post-conquest state in Africa || Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe

Southern World to Southern World comparisons can also prove useful in exposing the fallacy of either Africa’s “large population” or “potential explosive population”.   Iran’s size of 1,647,989 sq km is about two-thirds that of Sudan and South Sudan combined. Yet its population, unlike the Sudans’ 45 million, is at least one and one-half times as large at 75 million. Mexico´s landmass is 1,943,950 sq km. This is approximately the same size as the Sudans but with a population of 115 million, Mexico is two and one-half times the former. Pakistan´s landmass of 803,937 sq km is just about Namibia’s 864,284 sq km but Pakistan’s population is 174 million while Namibia’s is 2 million! Even though Bangladesh’s 143,998 sq km-landmass makes it roughly one-eight the size of Angola (1,246,691 sq km) as well as that of South Africa’s (1,221,029 sq km), Bangladeshi population at 159 million outstrips Angola’s 13 million and South Africa’s 50 million. If we were to return to our earlier comparisons, Angola and South Africa are about 4-5 times the size of Britain but with one-fifth and four-fifths respectively of the latter’s population. Crucial reminders, genocide, post-Berlin states of transformation Finally, we should turn to the question of resource, its availability or lack of it, and therefore its ability or inability to support the African population – another component of Africa’s “overpopulation” fallacy. Well over 50 per cent of Uganda’s arable land, some of the richest in Africa, remains uncultivated. Were Uganda to expand its current food production significantly, not only would it be completely self-sufficient, but it would be able to feed all the countries contiguous to its territory without difficulty, and GM free too! The overall statistics of the African situation are even more revealing as with regards to the continent’s long-term possibilities. Just about a quarter of the potential arable land of Africa is being cultivated presently (FAO and IIED, “What effect will biofuels have on forest land and poor people’s access to it?”, 2008). Even here, an increasingly high proportion of the cultivated area is assigned to so-called cash-crops (cocoa, coffee, tea, groundnut, sisal, floral cultivation, etc.) for exports at a time when there has been a virtual collapse, across the board, of the price of these crops in international commodity markets. In the past 30 years, the average real price of these African products abroad has been about 20 per cent less than their worth during the 1960s-70s period which was soon after the “restoration of independence”. As for the remaining 75 per cent of Africa’s uncultivated land, this represents 60 per cent of the entire world’s potential (John Endres, “Ready, set, sow”, The Journal of Good Governance Africa, Issue 6, November 2012: 1). The world is aware of the array of strategic minerals such as coltan,1 cobalt, copper, diamonds, gold, industrial diamonds, iron ore, manganese, phosphates, titanium, uranium, and of course petroleum oil found in virtually all regions across the continent. Africa  remains one of the world’s most wealthy and potentially one of the world’s wealthiest continents. What is not always associated with the profiles of Africa is its vast acreage of rich farmlands with capacity to optimally support the food needs of generations of African peoples indefinitely. In addition, the famous fish industry in Sénégal, Angola, Côte d’Ivoire and Ghana for instance, Botswana’s rich cattle farms, west Africa’s yam and plantain belts extending from southern Cameroon to southern Sénégal, the continent’s rich rice production fields, etc., etc., all highlight the potential Africa has for fully providing for all its food needs. Thus, what the current African socioeconomic situation shows is extraordinarily reassuring, provided the acreage devoted to cultivation is expanded and expressly targeted to address Africa’s own internal consumption needs. 1 Refined columbite-tantalite, coltan, is critical in the manufacture of a range of small electronic equipment including, particularly, laptop computers and mobile phones; 80 per cent of the world’s reserves of this mineral is in the Democratic Republic of the Congo which is being currently subjected to a genocidal conflict where 5 million people have been murdered since the 1990s.


Paradox of functionality? On the postcolonial/ post-conquest state in Africa || Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe

Land-use directed at agriculture for food output must become the focus of agricultural policy in the new Africa, as opposed to the calamitous waste of “cash-crop” production for export and/or the more recently observed “land-grab” – parcelling away of land to foreign governments and organisations – occurring across the continent (on this, see the excellent work of Emeka Akaezuwa’s “Stop Africa Land Grab” movement –[accessed 14 May 2013]). It is an inexplicable and inexcusable tragedy that any African child, woman, or man could go without food in the light of the staggering endowment of resources in Africa. Africa constitutes a spacious, rich and arable landmass that can support its population, which is still one of the world’s least densely populated and distributed, into the  indefinite  future. There is only one condition, though, for the realisation of this goal – Africa must utilise these immense resources for the benefit of its own peoples within newly negotiated, radically decentralised sociopolitical dispensations which must abandon the current murderous “states” or “Berlin-states” as they should be more appropriately categorised (Ekwe-Ekwe,  Readings from Reading: 27, 41, 44, 69, 200).  These principalities that dutifully go by the very fanged names of their creators (Nigeria, Niger, Chad, the Sudan, Central Africa Republic… whatever!) are an agglomeration of inchoate, inorganic and alienating  emplacements that have been an asphyxiating trap for swathes of African constituent nations with evidently distinct histories, cultures and aspirations.  We now no longer require any reminders that the primary existence of these principalities is to destroy or disable as many enterprisingly resourceful and resource-based constituent peoples, nations and publics within the polity that are placed in their genocide march and sights.  Here, the example of the Igbo people of west Africa cannot be overstressed. This is one of the most peaceful and industrious of peoples subjected to the longest-running genocide of the contemporary epoch by the Nigeria state. The Igbo genocide is the foundational genocide of post-(European)conquest Africa. It inaugurated Africa’s current age of pestilence. During the course of 44 months (29 May 1966-12 January 1970) of indescribable barbarity and carnage not seen in Africa since the German-perpetration of the genocide against the Herero people of Namibia in the early 1900s, the composite institutions of the Nigeria state, civilian and military, murdered 3.1 million Igbo people or one-quarter of this nation’s population. To understand the politics of the Igbo genocide and the politics of the “post”-Igbo genocide is to have an invaluable insight into the salient features and constitutive indices of politics across Africa in the past 50 years. Africans elsewhere remained largely silent on the gruesome events in Nigeria but did not foresee the grave consequences of such indifference as subsequent genocides in Rwanda, Darfur, Nuba Mountains, South Kordofan (all three in the Sudan) and Zaïre/Democratic Republic of the Congo, and in other wars in every geographical region of Africa during the period have demonstrated catastrophically.  Just as the Nigerian operatives of mass murder appeared to have got away without censure from the rest of Africa, other genocidal and brutal African regimes soon followed in Nigeria’s footpath, murdering a horrifically additional tally of 12 million people in their countries considered “undesirables” or “opponents”. These 12 million murdered in the latter bloodbaths would probably have been saved if Africans had intervened robustly to stop the initial genocide against the Igbo people. It is abundantly clear that the factors which have contributed to determining the very poor quality of life of Africa’s population presently have to do with the nonuse, partial use, or the gross misuse of the continent’s resources year in, year out. This is thanks to an asphyxiating “Berlin-state” whose strategic resources are used largely to support the Western World and others and an overseer-grouping of local forces which exists solely to police the dire straits of existence that is the lot of the average African. As a result, the broad sectors of African peoples are yet to lead, centrally, the entire process


Paradox of functionality? On the postcolonial/ post-conquest state in Africa || Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe

of societal reconstruction and transformation  by themselves.  Surely, an urgently restructured, culturally-supportive political framework that enhances the quality of life of Africans is really the pressing subject of focus for Africa. One immediate move that states across the world, especially Britain, the leading arms exporter to Africa, and the rest of the West, Russia and China and others can make to support the ongoing efforts by peoples across Africa to rid themselves of such frighteningly genocidal and dysfunctional states is to ban all arms sales to Africa. This ban must be total and comprehensive. A total and comprehensive arms ban on Africa will radically advance the current quest on the ground by Africans, across the continent, to construct democratic and extensively decentralised new state forms that guarantee and safeguard human rights, equality and freedom for individuals and peoples. Africans have both the vision and the capacity to create alternative states – for them it is an imperative upon which their survival is based. Forty-seven years and 15 million murders on, Africans finally realise that there cannot be any meaningful advancement without abandoning the post-conquest state, essentially a genocide-state. This state is the bane of African existence and progress. It is in the longer-term interest of the rest of the world, especially in the West, to support African transformations initiated by the peoples rather than the “helmspersons”/“helmsconstituent nations”  ostensibly entrenched in the hierarchical architecture that maps the typical continent’s genocide-state.

Works cited Akaezuwa, Emeka, “Stop Africa Land Grab”. (accessed 14 May 2013). Busch, Gary, “Africans pay for the bullets the French use to kill them”. http://www.afrohistorama. info/article-africans-pay-for-the-bullets-the-french-use-to-kill-them-82337836.html  (accessed 15 May 2013). Clapham, Christopher, “Failed States and Non-states in the Modern International Order”, paper presented at conference on failed states, Florence, Italy, April 2000. failed_states/2000/papers/clapham.html (accessed 15 June 2013). Crocker, Chester, “Engaging Failing States”, Foreign Affairs. September/October 2003: 37). Davidson, Basil, Black Man’s Burden: Africa and the Curse of the Nation-State. London: James Currey, 1992. Dowden, Richard, “Redrawing the outmoded colonial map of Africa”, Independent. London, 10 September 1987. Ekwe-Ekwe, Herbert, “‘Do you still read or hear of “sub-Sahara Africa”?’ … ‘What is it anyway?’ ... ”. (accessed 14 June 2013). Ekwe-Ekwe, Herbert, Readings from Reading: Essays on African Politics, Genocide, Literature. Dakar & Reading: African Renaissance, 2011. El Tom, Fairouz, “Do NGOs practise what they preach?”. category/features/87395 (accessed 15 May 2013).


Paradox of functionality? On the postcolonial/ post-conquest state in Africa || Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe

Endres, John, “Ready, set, sow”, The Journal of Good Governance Africa. Issue 6, November 2012. FAO and IIED, “What effect will biofuels have on forest land and poor people’s access to it?”.  2008. Fund for Peace, “The Failed States Index 2013”. (accessed 2 July 2013). Fund for Peace, “The Indicators”. (accessed 2 July 2013). Global Financial Integrity, “Illicit financial flows from Africa: Hidden resource for development”. (accessed 25 April 2013). Innes, C.L., Chinua Achebe. Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1990. Oliver, Roland, “The condition of Africa”, Times Literary Supplement. London, 20 September 1991 Pakenham, Thomas, “The European share-out of the spoils of Africa”, Financial Times. 15 February 1988. United Nations Development Programme, Human Development Report 2012. World Bank, World Development Report 2012.  World Bank, “Migrant Labor Remittances in Africa”, Africa Regional Paper Series. No. 64, Washington, November 2003.


On the edge of the river, between the waters and the forest, lies the privileged home of Amazonian enigmas. These enigmas have since been transfigured into world enigmas, evoking disputes on origins and destinies. It is the space where the river flows into the imaginary and the multiplicity of life and the rhythms of time can be taken, to reflect the uncertain borderlines between real and unreal, and the spontaneous stupefaction, in the face of chance, can be observed. The privileged sense of contemplation leads to the mischievous aesthetic fluidity aided by the chimerical eyes that seek the mystery behind and emanating from things and, inside which, becomes alive, in the vast and bestowed enjoyment provided by the imagination. A journey through nebulous destinations, one that aims towards no port – nor needs none! The river’s edge needs no logic to be coherent. It encompasses the most precious cultural archives of the amazon world – the symbolic mangroves of our culture, which form the submerged roots of the caboclo spirit. The rhythm of the tides and its telluric regularity stimulate a multiple, though fatalistic view of the encompassing world, such as the Greek  moira,  that is, subdued by a predetermined and inevitable fate. Everything happens, as the stars would predict. The awareness of the limits of life instigates the search for the unlimited. An unsystematic exploration, although an impetuous one. Likewise, it is the recurrent and seasonal pororoca, the three colossal waves that throw themselves into the rivers sinking the boats and flooding the banks, showing the cabana rebelliousness of the river against the margins that imposes the limits and swallowing them with unexpected voracity. Men, revealing cosmic affectivity, promote the aesthetical conversion of reality into signs by means of daily labor, conversations with the tides fraternal fellowship with the stars, solidarity with the winds that propel the boat sails, and with the patient friendship of the rivers. As if that world were one single cosmology, a huge and green cosmos allegory. A unique, indivisible real yet imaginary world where a sort of poetics of the imaginary dimension started being built and whose span interferes with the complexity of social relations.  The aesthetic imaginary impregnates everything around it with its spermatic and fertile viscosity, emphasizing the passage from the trivial to the poetic dimension. It generates the novice, the recreated. It enhances the self-expressive magnitude of the appearance and its meaningful ambiguity, which turns into the focal point of interest. In the beginning of the current decade, the Amazonian culture may have represented one of the rarest constants of this spiritual atmosphere in which the aesthetic, resulting from a singular


Daydreaming meditation between the river and the forest (Amazonian Culture generating knowledge) João Paes Loureiro

Daydreaming meditation between the river and the forest (Amazonian Culture generating knowledge) || João Paes Loureiro

relationship between man and nature is reflected in, and mythically illuminates culture. This culture will remain an aural radiating glow, that persists until the flames of the forest burn, the river pollution and the changes in human relations do not irreversibly destroy the “locus” that allows this poetic aesthetic attitude, to prevail along the vastness of the Amazonian boundless lands. The peculiar ways of life and reproduction cultivated by the caboclo as well as the ways found for a poetic production of life tend to remain alive and fruitful, for yet a third millennium cycle, as long as the essential socio environmental conditions of this “locus” are preserved, Between the river and the forest, it is necessary to learn to see effectively, which means, a way of looking at things sustained by the sense of belonging to the emotion of the land, with an open sensibility to conceive the rarest of things, with the soul in the eye. The transfiguration of sight happens in the moment in which one perceives the diversity within the greens; pictures the corps of the ballet in the moving açaí palms; the voluptuousness of the flocking birds; the waves that become lost in the eye of the canoe master; the girl at the window, the lonely portrait of a lifetime’s wait; one igarité dancing on the waves and among the stars; the double reality of the river banks reflected in the waters and comparable to the pieces of an enchanted card. Aligned with the bluffs, between the river and the forest, lie the archives of the Amazonian life. It is a truly school of vision, Pedagogy of contemplation. The education of sight. The vision that experiences the dizzying vertigo of a wandering soul. In the margins of the river and the forest, a dual life erupts. Between the river and the forest is the reign of ambiguities and the site of the ever-changing fluid contours. This place outlines the development of a science of libido where desire shines, the aesthetic mischievous fluidity is put into evidence, the pleasure of contemplation is dominant and the sharing with the nature is the greatest prize of all. A way of contemplation, which conjures up a real system. The system I call ‘poetics of the imaginary’ in the Amazonian culture. Between the river and the forest, one experiences the feeling of the sublime existing in nature, to such an extent that it is imperious to populate this splendorously elevated reality with beings that live up to it – the divinities who inhabit the submersed Olympus of the rivers and the deepest heart of the forest – the encantarias. The encantarias are the sanctuaries of the gods of the Amazonian theogony in the bottom of the rivers and inside the uncultivated thick woods. Each enchanted beach is an Island of Circe, of the imaginary dimension, inviting us in. The effect of the sublime is simply a way of feeling. It is the representation of the real by means of the unrepresentable. The boiúna, the mythical cobragrande, for example, is the effect of the sublime representing the unrepresentable from the rivers. Between the river and the forest, the transcending experience results from what has been lived and felt. The serenity emanates from calm waters, the restlessness presaging stormy nights are trivial experiences, not Romanesque or Philosophic readings. The admiration, the wonderment flourish from the contemplation of things and these peculiarities that bloom from the sensations cause the spirit to reach the essence. The sublime effect arises from the astonishment in the presence of the storms, and the pororocas. It is generated in the dazzlement before the awe-inspiring phenomena of the nature and the cosmos. The explanation - elucidation for such mysteries is metaphoric, allegoric and takes place under the poetic radiance of the liturgy of the myths. It represents the attempt to explain the unexplainable through the unrepresentable of representation. This primacy of vision does not eliminate the role of the subject as a participant - spectator performing concurrently as an actor and a watcher of himself and of others. From the midst of the caboclo’s daydreaming meditation busts out the enthusiasm of imagination, revolutionizing the logical hierarchies between the real and unreal. In a scenery, which remains still largely untouched by


Daydreaming meditation between the river and the forest (Amazonian Culture generating knowledge) || João Paes Loureiro

men, neither with modifying nor with moralizing purposes, the rivers and the forests offer themselves as welcoming spaces for the laboring and the daily routine of the caboclo, for the creation of the quotidian theogony, the mysticism of their vertigo from the unlimited. To lead an unrestrained life, the caboclo lives side by side with supernatural beings, because only imagination is able to transpose the horizons of rationality making him accept that it was the move of the boiuna, the mythical cobragande, which caused the boat to collapse; the curupira was the one to blame for the hunter who got lost in the woods; it was the Iara who seduced the man to drown, as he apparently had no reasons to die in the river; and that the melancholy did not come from the soul, but from singing of the acauã, the bird of bad omen.  Looking at the immensity of the river and the forest, men, incapable of dominating its vast limits, penetrates this enormity with an attitude that makes him superior to nature: he creates the enchanted beings and the gods alike, of his theogony, keeping the overwhelmingly grandiosity which involves himself, under his control. He, then, becomes the first and foremost reason of all. The caboclo: a creature who creates the origins. This poetics of the imaginary does not turn the caboclo into a poet, but it keeps him involved in an atmosphere of poiesis, which turns the imaginary into the encantaria of his soul. The infinite space induces the vision and the spirit to rest. The encantaria ends this compliance and accustomedness of vision with the diversity of imagination. Besides the apparent “sublime monotony” provoked by the magnificent nature of geography, there is a world of imaginary encantarias under an ethno dramaturgy overflowing with boiunas, botos, mães-d’água, iaras, curupiras, porominas, caruanas, tupãs, anhangas, matintas, etc. Whereas the eye calmly contemplates, the spirit works tirelessly in the underlying mines of imagination. The desire to have the supernatural presence around is a response to the inevitable feeling of solitude men experiences before the splendor of nature. The restless balance of solitude leads the caboclo to search for realities that hide beyond the surfaces, transferring the depths of his soul to nature. His nurtured belief in the enchanted beings liberates him and isolates him from the triviality of daily life. Perhaps the river dwelling caboclos, resembling the old romantics, have found in the river and amongst the lush greens a privileged place in which to discover themselves. It is in this way that the intuitive Kantians also understood the subliminal aesthetic dimension of nature, which was magnified and poeticized in the imagination, in an ‘infinitization’ of senses (which, in the words of Julia Kristeva, belongs to the poetic). The encantaria is not a lost paradise. Nor is it an Eden or Hell. It is an Olympus, a space of dreams and chimeras - it is not desired, nor feared. It is a world created by the very abstract poetry of contemplation. The encantaria is a delve into the profoundness of things as seen through appearances, or, the way they are perceived, by the recognition and the creation through the vein of the aesthetic and poeticizing imaginary of the Amazonian culture. It shows a singular mode of creation and recreation of the cultural life, which has, at all times, evolved, portrayed by this sort of sfumato that hangs in the indecipherable margin between real and the surreal. “Sfumato”, which in artistic terminology and in the theory of Leonardo Da Vinci is described as the blurred, smoky looking contour of figures used to poeticize their relationship with the whole exterior world and thus, establishing an imprecise division with no delimitations, similar to what happens when different colored waters bodies merge, a typical phenomena among the amazon rivers. A precious sample of this iconographic image of the sfumato is the encounter of the light brown waters of Rio Amazonas and the black waters of Rio Negro, or with the green waters of Rio Tapajós. The limits of the brown, black, green or bluish waters is not clear, distinct or defined, but instead, the mix of the viscously interpenetrated bodies that creates


Daydreaming meditation between the river and the forest (Amazonian Culture generating knowledge) || João Paes Loureiro

a green-black-yellowish tone shows up as an expression of the sfumato that ends in establishing a single reality, a coincidence of opposites, in the physical distinction which characterizes these rivers’ meeting of waters. It is in an environment filled with such peculiar situations that the nocturnal Bachelardian man, from the Amazon, walks. Such nightly man faces situations of unclear borders and varying geographical conditions that are motivating for the creation of an actual surreality, similarly to the effect caused by the ‘wonderful epic’, an asset for poeticizing of history, in the epics, resulting from mixture between true history and myths. An everyday surreality, instigator of reverie, in which the senses remain both aware and awake, because it is inherent of this condition to be actively aware. While depending on the river and the forest for almost everything, the caboclo uses the goods of nature, and transfigures them. This same transfiguring dimension presides over the symbolic cultural translations, the exchanges, and over the stimulated imagination impregnated by the sperm and fertility of the aesthetic dimension. The transfiguration of the reality by means of impregnating the poetic imagination is a reflex of the passage from the quotidian to its aestheticized reality in our culture, which is achieved by valuing the self-expressiveness of appearances, in which the interested observer concentrates. It is this interest that leads the pleasing contemplative thoughts to the shape of the ambiguity of the aesthetic dimension. Under this perspective of nature, the region is transformed into a conceptual, mythical, vague, unrepeatable, place (meaning that absolutely every part of this environment is unique). A place that is both near and far from those who see it. Be it for those who inhabit the riverbanks that appear to distinguish the borders of the forest and the dream, be it for those who inhabit the forest, or be it for those who inhabit the nearby villages, those small little ones which seem to be much more preserved from the influences of our times. The way our region is seen by the outsiders is full of this ‘close yet distant’ approach typical of situations that are involved in “mysterious auras”. Walter Benjamin, in his studies of he multiplication of the artwork in our days, emphasizes and characterizes the aura of the original art. In his classic text, discussing unique art, before art reproduction techniques, he describes it as being “The unique appearance of a distance, no matter how close it might be.” When conveying the Amazon, one learns that this close yet distant, near yet far, touchable yet untouchable place where man lives a quotidian life is a common perception that manages to present the rarest of conditions. Even in the conflicts created by the increasing devastation of his celebrated nature, the ‘auratizating’ factors become evident: a single and universal good, impossible to be recovered once destroyed; fauna and flora’s richness whose disappearance would be an irreplaceable loss; collection of incalculable life forms, as if it were the most fertile womb of the universe (in just over 1 hectare of forest still unaffected by man, there are more species than all of Europe’s combined ecosystems); constitutive presence of untransferable and non-portable values. For both the ordinary traveler or the student, that is a founder principle, a postulate that establishes that Amazon is conceived as a unique and unrepeatable good, revealing a hic et nunc that is the result of an accumulation of signs of universal imaginary. The sign of a unique breed of nature, original and unrepeatable. In order to understand the Amazon, the human experience it concentrates, and it’s surrealist humanism, one should, therefore, take into consideration the social imaginary. All true humanity should be founded on that which exists beyond scientific advancements, the economy, and all other exclusionary developments. It could be said that the cabolco – the Hesiodic figure of the tropics- in his attempts to live out his daily theogony and to spontaneously value the imaginary world full of representations, seems to believe in primordial realism of the images. For the caboclo, a planter and fisher of symbols, the image appears to be composed of its own force, as if it were the creator of a new world reality that is capable of entering the foggy space where the lost fragments of memory


Daydreaming meditation between the river and the forest (Amazonian Culture generating knowledge) || João Paes Loureiro

lie. Love, for example, can be expressed by Tambatajá, a plant that sprouted in the place where the Macuxi indian buried his beloved bride. Love is also reflected in the enchanted dolphin, the Boto, the incorrigible seducer, which takes on a human form dressed in white, and then returns to the river as his mammal self. It could even be the appearance of fatal female glare of the deep waters of the Uiara River, the spot which attracts the young adventurers enchanted by the deep waters of love and death. It implies, that indescribable images such as that of love, for example, are being installed in the vast world around us, making the landscape meaningful, sensitive, and visible. The landscape is nature penetrated by the sight. Through this perspective, nature is created by culture. When confronted with a normal landscape in appearance what changes is the nature of the soul. Through this perspective the landscape will always be new. It is not a continuous line of successive spaces, but of a circle that penetrates superimposed layers in the same space. The river dwelling cabolco is a stationary traveller. He sails through the abstract in search of some kind of origins. As Paul Zunthor affirms, “the landscape does not exist in itself. The landscape is the new “fiction”, a “construed object”. This fiction, I believe, “is an effect of the sailor’s navigating eye, in reverie, and creating the abstract. He renews the landscape that lies superimposed before him, similarly to the contemplation of successive landscapes, a typical routine of all travellers. The stagnant traveller- the caboclo- creates the landscape before him, constructing his own plasticized version of his ideal landscape. By creating the myths, this landscape is a represented object, which endows the scene with the theater of culture and the legitimation of beliefs. With these components, the ideal landscape it construed. The river banks, the legends, bridges, nights, houses, family, life in society, trees, and the rumor of silence in the lips of the wind are the essential components of creation. While inventing his scenery, the caboclo invents himself as part of the whole. He creates a new world to be lived and himself as a capable being to inhabit this poetized world. Everything seems to be governed by transcendental forces. Nature becomes part of the holy, an ideal landscape that involves the mythical allegory inside the sacred atmosphere of the encantarias. Inhabited by divinities, the encantarias comprise nature’s ideal and mild place. The imaginary reinforces the freedom of our creation process. In this stage setting, we are equally placed as the mornings are. The margins of the river and the forest are the “sfumato” between real and non- real. These limits are the smoky, blurred area that contours things, making them vague and mysterious. The non – real is no longer what is hidden and submerged in real. On the contrary, it reveals itself within the sfumato, through a discovering game played by imagination – a vigorous exercise of our senses in order to reach understanding. This is the poetics of the imaginary in the Amazon culture. The mythopoetic fictions of the riverside world aim at no ruling of morality; instead, they are created to reveal the beauty, to stimulate the pleasure of feeling and living. The caboclo does not lie or hides the truth. He does Coleridge named “suspension of disbelief” First off and by principle, it is essential that we accept the compromise with fiction. The listener must acknowledge the contents narrated by an imaginary story, but should not think that the narrator is lying. This ‘fictional agreement’ is what Umberto Eco mentions in the precursor to the six walks of the fictional woods. Through this fictional agreement, we demonstrate our belief in the oral tradition and its truth. We free the free will that exists between imagination and understanding. We believe in one truth. We recognize the truth’s power of existence. Its verisimilitude. Its dreamlike logic. The cabolco, when narrating his oral tales, makes us believe that he is telling the truth, just as he believes it to be true. He hopes to evoke some sympathy in us that builds his credibility. He cites details and adds rich effects referencing reality. This reality forming concept, created by Roland Barthes, tries to legitimize fiction through its references to reality and it’s habit of presenting recognizable


Daydreaming meditation between the river and the forest (Amazonian Culture generating knowledge) || João Paes Loureiro

characters and actions, indicating specific dates – which adds to the extra literary element of the text. We have to enter in this game. We must enter into it with a suspension of disbelief. If we agree to believe in the spontaneous narration of the lived experiences in the reality of the cabolco, it would be unfair to separate our understanding of him into two faces: the honest narrator and liar. In many respects, he is always honest, be it as a friend or a family member. We have to cope with this ambiguity that is inherent in the concept of truth . On one side, the spontaneous belief, on the other side, a resolved acceptance. The surrealness comes from the legitimate similarities. The information condensed with the elements of reality attribute to the unreal characteristics of reality. The real world is essential in creating its unreal counterpart. We have to accept that the caboloco has imagination, a fact, which does not imply that he is a liar. Given the practicality of life, it’s a special and unobtrusive pleasure to invent stories different from reality and to be allowed to tell them and be heard. Even more so, once we are heard, we and all that surrounds us receives attention. The imaginary, with the exuberant erotic power of beauty in our legends is, to the caboclo, the testament of his freedom to be and create. The legends invented by caboclo populating the encantarias reveal his desire to partake in a higher reality that he acknowledges to be in the nature where he lives. The river and the forest are like origins, a ground zero, the place of all beginnings. The place of the dawns of the world, where, instead of a past, one searches the depths of what is around him. Aware of his mortal condition, the caboclo seeks eternity as being part of the encantarias. The “imaginary”, this dreamly meditation, is understood as a cultural capital. According to Gilbert Durand, the set of non-free images and relationships that constitute the human being’s epic center of thought and unconsciousness. They’re not fantasies, in the sense of a false reality, but the symbolic substrate or psycho-cultural set of broad nature (present both in primitive thought as the civilized, in the rational as in the poetic, in normal and pathological), promoting psychosocial balance threatened by the awareness of death. Following Durand’s logic, the imaginary is understood here, as a set of images and relations amongst images produced by man from, on the one hand, universal and invariant forms, as much as possible, and, on the other, from forms generated in historically determinable private contexts. The meaning of riverine caboclo imaginary arises from an “anthropological path” of tension and exchange between nature and culture, having mankind as its synthesis. It is the ceaseless exchange between the subjective and the objective, integrating the universal and unique, the inside and outside, the individual and groups. The Amazonian imaginary is the pendulum of solution between nature and culture issues in which it is sustained. In such a path the things take on new meaning, in a set of interactions between opposites. The fantasy becomes driven by the transcendence or sublimation. Facing the fluent and current matter of the water of the river crossing, the caboclo releases and opens his imagination, immersed inn the freedom of a whimsical temperament, which grants his passage to the poetic. Therefore, more than just gazing, he dreams the landscape that makes him dream. He dreams seeking infinity not in space. He seeks the infinite in depth. Seemly inert, the caboclo continues his ceaseless work of imagination, inventing his theogony. Or better, his mythogony. And I hope that the inhabitant of the land does not have to culturally allegorize his own mythogony – that I call deep Amazon – as a consequence of society’s current and expropriatory violations. That is, a mythogonizing process. “We cannot forget that Amazonian rivers are freshwater. We are reminded of Bachelard, when he says, “freshwater is true mythical water.” We could add, then, that our mythopoetic drinks our rivers freshwater’s milk and honey. The freshwater river’s liquid language unravels the nature’s oral narrative. The storyteller’s


Daydreaming meditation between the river and the forest (Amazonian Culture generating knowledge) || João Paes Loureiro

fluid language. Language narrates the caboclo’s dreamly visions that he recounts when explaining his tales and legends, in the liquid and fluid spoken current through the rivers’ lips, and that is, in the end, the source of all language. A tide of languages speaking of the boto, boiúnas, porominas, macunaímas, tupãs, encantarias, expulsion of settlers and Indians from the land they belong. The tide also denounces river contamination from mining, witnessing landless men in the land of endless men. And, in an intercurrent way between the local and virtual life of electronic communication, the linguistic tide already starts to recount the stories in the popular orality that the satellite palm transmits to be passed on through the Internet. In today’s world, also one of the Amazon’s more complex moments of existence, art plays a fundamental role in the caosmos (Guattari). The world today occurs as much in the Amazon, as the Amazon is a part of the world. Art, for its part, is capable of converting the local into the universal, and the universal into the local by being an expression of local culture ( S. Langer) . Art, in this sense, can represent a performative figure of the region when faced with diversity, globalization, consumerism and predatory exploitation. Art can reveal the culture’s strategy of transaction, in which one does not superimpose over another, and yet, is capable to reveal paths towards strategic development. In regards to the ‘riverflowing’ language to discuss the geography of the culture, the artistic language is one viable path-yet, not a stagnant one. The artistic language is always an ever evolving entity. The Amazon rainforest is an immense lush, green tapestry sewn with a spool of yarn made of all the world’s fresh water rivers. The water is a visible silence. ‘She’ offers herself to an open journey through her inner self, in search of depth not of distances. The legend, in this poetic Amazonian imaginary, is like an allegoric expression of desire. The everyday impediments of practical life disappear, and gratuity diminishes the forces of rationality. The forest being, in his restful daydreaming, liberates the intuitive and creative imagination that is the source of this desire in the ideal world. Much more than for the fatalism of a life governed by natural determinism, the amazon culture, historically produced, structures itself in the logic of the dream.



Communication and technologies, colonisation and decolonisation 1

Abstract: This paper is part of an ongoing research that aims to provide a comprehensive and current view of how Latin American nation-states are employing digital tools to narrate and decolonize national histories. Specifically, by surveying a wide range of Web sites resulting both from strategically planned government-funded projects, corporate sectors and autonomous initiatives in civil society, I have been examining the similarities and differences between online histories produced in the region. In addition to historiographical content per se, I investigate Web technologies currently employed in order to enrich the representation and interpretation of history, as well as graphic and Web design strategies used to attract and engage readers increasingly receptive to new media-based communication. Since a comparative and critical assessment of Latin American Web sites devoted to history remains a virtually unexplored territory, this research will constitute a significant contribution both to contemporary Latin American studies and to the field of Digital Humanities as a whole. However, beyond a mere transnational survey of e-history projects, I also pay attention to past and ongoing relations between historiography, colonialism, decolonization and nation building processes. If print-capitalism, especially through historicalromantic novels and newspapers, promoted socio-cultural changes that contributed to the emergence of nineteenth-century imagined communities (ANDERSON, 1991), it is fair to assume that contemporary modes of communication continue to exert an enormous influence on the re-construction and negotiation of national imaginaries around the world. Therefore, far from a simple technological study, my research also discusses the role of Web historiography in the (re)creation of current national identity discourses and feelings of belonging. In particular, by approaching Latin American countries as unfinished imagined communities (ITZIGSOHN; HAU, 2006), I investigate how Internet-based projects – in alignment with exciting political and epistemological decolonization currently taking place in Latin America, both at grassroots and national/institutional levels, and particularly in Bolivia, Ecuador, Brazil, Argentina and Venezuela - are challenging the erasure of Indigenous peoples, Afro-descendants, women and LGBT/queer historical agency, which constitutes a central pillar of traditional Latin American histories published since the nineteenth-century. 1. Web, history and national belonging: or Imagined Communities 2.0 Studies on the formation of the nation-state have traditionally


Decolonization 2.0: Digital tools and challenges to Latin American historical discourses Genaro Oliveira1 University of Basel, Switzerland

1 Brazilian historian, Postdoctoral Fellow at the University of Basel (Switzerland), scholarship holder of the Swiss Government Excellence Scholarships for Foreign Scholars (2013/14); PhD in Art History at the University of Auckland (New Zealand); MA in History Education and Bachelor of Arts (Major in History), both at the Federal University of Bahia (Brazil). My PhD research focuses on the theme of climate change through the perspective of Indigenous filmmakers in Latin America and Australasia. Some of my recent publications include the chapter “Heterographies in Historiography. The Web and Perspectives on Historical Writing”. In: CLAVERT, Frédéric; NOIRET, Serge (dir./eds.) Contemporary History in the Digital Age. Bruxelles: Peter Lang, 2013; the chapter “Word Imagery and Painted Rhetoric: Historians, Artists and the Invention of the History of Brazil”. Auckland Latin American Studies Journal (ALAS), Issue 1. December 2012 and the article “Independent from independence: Indigenous Nations and Maroon Societies during the emergence of the Brazilian National State”. Journal of Iberian and Latin American Research (JILAR), Routledge, Volume 17, Issue 2, 2011. E-mail: [email protected]

Decolonization 2.0: Digital tools and challenges to Latin American historical discourses || Genaro Oliveira

focused on the second term: the state. Indeed, the state’s bureaucratic structure - heavily documented in its continuous (re)production of decrees, minutes, laws and correspondence – appeared, at one time, to be particularly appropriate for the historian’s familiar methodology of interpreting the past through empirical, print-based sources. The subjective dimension of the nation, on the other hand, which becomes known and accepted through a gradual transformation of collective feelings of belonging to a community, posed a major challenge to the standard historical method (JANCSÓ and PIMENTA, 2000). Demands for a more comprehensive and multifaceted understanding of national histories contributed to the popular 1990s reception of Benedict Anderson’s Imagined Communities in most of Latin America (CHASTEEN, 2003). Particularly popular was one of its concise but judicious hypotheses: that widespread reading of print media – above all, novels and newspapers - advanced the cultural changes essential to the possibility of imagining the first nation-states at the turn of the eighteenth-century. Although Latin American scholars have embraced Anderson’s approach toward nationalism as a cultural artefact rather than a mere political ideology, his book is increasingly viewed more as an audacious essay, whose merit consists of its overall theories and innovative conjectures, rather than for any direct applicability to specific national cases. Consistent with this approach, rather than simply condemning Anderson’s propositions for failing to stand up to empirical scrutiny, Latin American scholars have opted to emphasise both the importance and the limits of his interpretative model, and to benefit from a critical and selective use of his ideas. For example, some argue for the needto correct Anderson’s chronology: if printcapitalism promoted feelings of national belonging in Latin America, this was more significant during and after independence movements than before them (GUERRA, 2003). In this paper, I take Guerra’s argument to its radical conclusion by suggesting that studies on the formation of the nations are not complete unless they also address the current role of post-print media – notably, the Internet - in disseminating and updating national discourses. Going beyond Anderson’s print-capitalism, several studies have already pointed to the centrality of “electronic capitalism” such as television and cinema (WARNER, 1992; LEE, 1993) in the way twentieth-century populations imagined themselves as part of collective societies. However, although cyberspace is frequently used to strengthen nationalist discourses, it is symptomatic that relatively few scholars are investigating how the Web has also been playing a central role in twenty-first century nation-building processes (ERIKSEN, 2007) while, at the same time, providing a dynamic platform for heterodox post-national and plurinational voices. As mentioned, this paper is part of broader ongoing research project. By means of a wide-ranging and critical survey of Web sites dedicated to history produced in Latin America, the research is trying to fill a substantial gap in the recent literature on ongoing relations between historiography, media and nation building processes. Specifically, by investigating what can be conveniently denominated as imagined communities 2.0, I “upgrade” theories of nationalism by shedding light on several aspects of how Internet-based histories published in Latin America are informing/transforming nationalism in the region. These include the following: the variety of digital technologies, as well as graphic and Web design strategies, employed to communicate with national citizens increasingly immersed in new media-based culture; how traditional publishers of (print-based) national history – such as leading universities, public museums, archives and libraries - are adapting to and managing to compete in increasingly hegemonic digital environments; the way state-funded online history projects are being supplemented (or often replaced) by corporate and private enterprises that engage with national historiography mainly for commercial reasons; how e-history content produced specifically for mobile and game devices are engaging with increasingly nomadic/diasporic national populations,


Decolonization 2.0: Digital tools and challenges to Latin American historical discourses || Genaro Oliveira

as well how national history discourses are being reconfigured by advertising and entertainment industries; how social movements and other autonomous initiatives in the civil society are taking advantage of virtually-inexpensive and non-bureaucratic e-publishing tools – such as blogs, social networking services and Wiki platforms - to draw attention to conflictive aspects and often tabooed historical issues common to most nations in the continent, such as enduring racism, ethnocide, sexual oppression, religious persecution and internal plurinationalities. Because of constraints of time and space, I dedicated the rest of the paper to the one of key themes of this current research project: visual decolonization and multimedia literacy. 2. Visual Decolonization For professional Latin American(ist) historians, an aspiration for multimedia literacy may seem impertinent, overwhelming and/or chimerical, especially for those challenged by the mastery of verbal conventions. If we are still learning how to competently write and read with words, why bother seeking proficiency in multimedia and Web design? After all, there are capable Web masters, programmers and graphic artists available to assist historians in need of their “technical” skills. However, in evolving transdisciplinary enterprises such as the Web with its complexity and rapid changes, division of labour is inevitable. It is unrealistic to think that historians - or any other professional – can have expertise in the countless Web languages and technologies. Nonetheless, just as historians are able to perform basic structuring and formatting of their works in conventional text editors such as Microsoft Word, it is reasonable to assume that they would also benefit from producing basic multimedia content using simplified, off-the-shelf Web and graphic design software. Such a do-it-yourself approach is especially recommended given the increasing centrality of the Web for daily teaching and research tasks.1 Above all, I argue that multimedia literacy can aid decolonial historians by providing an exciting tool to re-interpret colonial and neo-colonial-based visual material. I support this claim by focusing on nineteenth-century paintings from the Brazilian Academy of Fine Arts (AIBA)2 As will be shown, digital tools can offer decolonial historians an unorthodox combination, yet a productive path, to study 1 Although I emphasise that computer graphics and Web design tools offer relatively unexplored paths for art historians who wish to reinterpret and decolonize paintings, I do not naively suggest that every art historian embrace this approach. While I do assert that academic writers can enhance their work through the conjoint use of written, visual and aural media, I am not suggesting that this is a necessary path, nor do I claim that using multimedia in academic work is an “original” mode of historical expression. Also, I do not argue that technology itself can or will enhance historians’ writing abilities or enrich interpretations of artworks. In my view, historiography is, above all, concerned with reinterpreting evidence, with raising new questions and offering ethical, plural and plausible interpretations of the past. It is not simply a descriptive discipline. Therefore, if historians are willing to reflect upon the way they distribute their findings, they should be motivated, necessarily, by the desire to offer more compelling answers to the specific research questions they raise. Accordingly, I do not base my case on technophile suppositions that it has universal applicability or self-evident merits when applied to academic research. Rather, it is based on the pragmatic conviction that it provides specific ways to improve the interpretation of the historical works investigated in this project. Specifically, that it opens fruitful ways for historians to acknowledge and make visible the centrality of the historical agency of Indigenous peoples and Afro-Brazilians and, therefore, to challenge central pillars of Brazilian historiography produced since the nineteenth-century. 2 Officially founded in 1826, the Imperial Academy of Fine Arts (AIBA) built on the works of a predecessor, the Royal School of Sciences, Arts and Crafts (Escola Real de Ciências, Artes e Ofícios) created by the exiled Portuguese King Dom João VI, in 1816. From the previous institution, the AIBA also inherited the responsibility both of refining artistic tastes and providing art education in the newly independent country. Its directors and teachers were given the task of assuring that artistic training would both develop local talent and, at the same time, keep up with the development and trends of leading European schools. ). This gave the institution a strategic and privileged place to create for the then emerging Brazilian society some of its first public, visual national symbols. In this pursuit, the AIBA would be situated among a few other select imperial institutions such as the Brazilian Historical and Geographical Institute (Instituto Histórico e Geográfico Brasileiro - IHGB), the National Archives (Arquivo Nacional) and the Colégio Pedro II, all dedicated to the task of transforming intellectual and artistic labour into a proud national discourse. If the latter three were considered, respectively, as focal spaces for writing national History, for safeguarding it, and for teaching it to the new generation, the AIBA was commissioned the equally imperative task of imagining and creating a national iconography.


Decolonization 2.0: Digital tools and challenges to Latin American historical discourses || Genaro Oliveira

Indigenous groups’ and Maroons’ sovereignty throughout the nineteenth century. More specifically, this will be done by using computer graphics and Web design tools to deconstruct and re-interpret an iconic nineteenth-century painting that directly commemorates Brazilian independence, Pedro Americo’s “Independência ou Morte” (Independence or Death):

Image 1. “Independence or Death!”, Pedro Americo. National Museum of Fine Arts, 1888, 415 x 776 cm.

Américo’s work3 has contributed significantly to a broadly accepted interpretation of Brazilian independence as a relatively peaceful and non-traumatic process, especially when compared to neighbouring nation-states emerging from the collapse of Spanish America. Also, Eminent academic Brazilian history painters such as Pedro Americo and Victor Meirelles, informed by nineteenthcentury historiography, developed subtle and effective ways to erase non-European populations from their work. Importantly, the works of these and other academic painters helped to disseminate self-image of the sovereign nation-state of Brazil as a mainly “white” and/or whitening , civilised people who made the transition from colony to nation-state almost entirely peacefully. This serene interpretation stands in stark contrast to most other neighbouring nation-states, whose transition was usually depicted as characterised by violence, continuous border wars, decimation of large parts of all sectors of society and the destruction of much of the infrastructure, creating a lasting legacy of a divided and partisan political sphere. But, contrary to this nationalist and teleological official4 Brazilian history inaugurated by 3 Pedro Américo was professionally trained and later became a professor at the most regarded artistic centre of his time, the Imperial Academy of Fine Arts (AIBA). As mentioned, directly supported by the monarchic regime, the AIBA managed to concentrate simultaneously the responsibilities of validating, producing and teaching Art of the period. Pedro Americo and other teachers at AIBA, thus, occupied a strategic and privileged place of supplying the Brazilian post-independent society with some of its first public visual national symbols. His paintings, therefore, can not be understood outside of this largely state-promoted “civilizatory” process that started with Portuguese king D Joao VI, which in many ways only increased during the independent reigns of both Pedros and, arguably, continues until the present republican days. 4 Brazilian “official” history is defined here as a knowledge of the past directly supported by the state both in its context of creation (funding research, inaugurating historical institutes, awarding scholarships to historians and artists, fomenting historiographical contests, building museums, national archives, public libraries, etc.) and of its dissemination (designing history programmes and implementing its teaching in schools and universities, celebrating/ritualising historical dates, subsiding the publication of books and textbooks, financing museum exhibitions, commissioning historical monuments, paintings, theatre plays, etc.). Naturally, no “official” body of knowledge about the past has ever been as stable and as coherent as most nationalists often suppose; national histories everywhere tend to change with the agonistic flow of new governments, with the shift of regional/class/ gender/ethnic powers inside a country and, not least, in face of the continuous new findings and paradigm variations in national and world historiographies. Despite its changes and disputes, the context of the creation of what is being called here a Brazilian “official” history in the nineteenth-century is relatively stable one, associated with one basic form of government (a constitutional monarchy), one main city (Rio de Janeiro) and few privileged state institutions (such as the IHGB, the Imperial Academy of Fine Arts, the National Archives, Museu Nacional and the Colégio D. Pedro II). It is important to note


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nineteenth-century historiographical imagination, what was declared as the “Brazilian” state in 1822 was and continued to be a fractured and disputed zone for years. A significant portion of the Indigenous peoples, African and mestizo populations confined within the perimeters of what regional elites declared as the Empire of Brazil, continued to ignore concepts such as the Brazilian state or nation; and remained unfamiliar with any sentiment of belonging to national community as long as they could do so. While newly independent from the Portuguese monarchy, state administrators faced the enormous challenge of legitimising a common history among populations not only largely immersed in oral culture but also, in many cases, completely indifferent both to the concept of a previous Portuguese nation and to the newly-declared Brazilian one. It is noteworthy that relationships between paintings and historiographical knowledge throughout the nineteenth century, beyond all artistic and epistemological elements to be considered, demand also an analysis of the political dimension of nation-building that characterises this period. That is, beyond evaluating the quality or amateurism of individual pieces of art, or their plausible or tendentious representations of past events, history paintings should also be contextualized inside what has been called a “politics of a national memory” (WEHLING, 1999): as part of an extensive and State-supported educational, scientific and artistic initiatives that would mark most of the Brazilian nineteenth century. It is also important to realise that the emerging nationalism in post-independent Brazil, despite its often resentful rhetoric against former Iberian rule, was not necessarily incompatible with a profound identification of local elites with Luso-European civilization. On the contrary, if political and territorial autonomy underlined a distance from former metropolitan-colonial hierarchies, intellectual emancipation continued to be considered in relation to positioning Brazilian cities (and citizens) closer to its European counterparts. The fact that Brazil continued to be officially a BragançaHapsburg monarchy in the Americas only reinforced, among local elites, the idea of belonging to a wider and transcontinental Europeanized civilization (DUTRA, 2007). As a result, political independence was followed by the continuation of most artistic, urbanistic and scientific projects initiated earlier with the Portuguese court transmigration. This was especially true in the imperial capital Rio de Janeiro, which was to be showcased as the foremost proof of local sophistication. Ironically, thus, the former colony continued most of the colonial enterprise. Indeed, in these early attempts to try to affirm a European-like society inside an overseas, tropical and multiethnic territory, one could already foretell the intricate identity disputes that not only Brazil but most Latin American countries would have for years to come: Rio’s residents recognized that because the transfer of the court undermined the dichotomy of metropolis/colony , the transformation of Rio de Janeiro into the royal court had to entail a marginalization of the aesthetics and the practices that failed to reflect this change. It was an undertaking that anticipated the paradox of post-independence Latin America. To no longer be colonial meant embracing a colonial project: to “civilize’. (SCHULTZ, 2001).

that if contemporary historians have many reasons to call the knowledge produced at an institution such as the IHGB as “official”, because nineteenth-century historians’ economic and political ties to the imperial government are evident from a today’s viewpoint, many IHGB members at the time tended to see themselves as above political interests. As historian Manuel Luís Salgado Guimarães (1988, p. 9) noted, some of its most prominent members were “worried about defining the institution not as an official one, but as fundamentally as a scientificcultural institution and, therefore, as neutral in relation to disputes of political-partisan nature”. For competent studies on the creation of an official history at the IHGB, see Lucia Guimarães (1995), Lilia Schwarcz (1999), Arno Wehling (1999) and Kaori Kodama (2005).


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3. The Aesthetics of the Opaque Although it has been the target of Art critics and historians since its first appearances5, Pedro Americo’s painting, popularly known as “O Grito do Ipiranga” (The Ipiranga shout), has been regarded as an undisputable icon for Brazilian visual History. The massive canvas portrays what is regarded as the founding moment of Brazilian independence: the moment when Dom Peter I, travelling near the margins of the Ipiranga River, supposedly declared independence from Portugal by shouting “Independence or Death”. Beyond all profound iconographical readings that this painting deserves, for the purposes of this present analysis, Pedro Americo’s work will be interpreted as having masterfully translated into images the above mentioned official, nationalistic and teleological, Brazilian historiography; while, at the same time, sideling Afro-Brazilians and Indigenous nations from his visual narrative. However, with the support of auxiliary lenses from a computer graphics software, it is possible to challenge the main idea manifest in this heroic image. Namely, that after the year 1822, the whole territory assumed as previously belonging to the “Portuguese America” (and not also to the Quilombola and Indigenous Americas) would now be unilaterally declared part of the Brazilian national state:

Image 2.

The main point here again is to bear in mind how viewers, since this painting’s first exhibitions until today’s industrious reproduction in books and other media, are presented with a historiographical discourse that overshadows the acknowledgement of plurinationalities and the representation of simultaneities. Computer graphics and Web design tools, in this sense, can be a powerful ally for decolonial historians wanting to challenge how official, teleological narratives has turned opaque the representation of most Indigenous and Afro-descendants, notably in iconic nineteenth century paintings such as Pedro Americo’s, which are massively replicated and visualized to the present day. In order to achieve this, nineteenth-century paintings will be defined here not only as pictures executed (and finished) in paint, but also as unfinished canvases to which computer graphics and 5 Pedro Americo has been accused of romanticing/misrepresenting this historical event basically by; 1- plagiarizing Ernest Meissonier’s “1807, Friedland; 2- changing Dom Pedros travel clothing for a impeccable military uniform 3- changing the course of the Ipiranga river 4- changing the mule that effectively carried Dom Pedro through the mountainous region for a ‘napoleonic’ horse; 5- the anachronistic representation of the “Dragons of Independence” around the Emperor, a military force which would only be created after the independence.


Decolonization 2.0: Digital tools and challenges to Latin American historical discourses || Genaro Oliveira

Web design can add continuous and potentially infinite imagined pieces of meaning. Conventional art historical methods and theories provide the essential procedures for interpreting visual evidence; computer graphics and Web design, on the other hand, offer the tools to investigate what can be conveniently called the aesthetics of the opaque: the vast range of images dedicated to Indigenous’ and Africans’ historical agency that were never painted:

Image 2. Aesthetics of the Opaque.

The following images are part of an on-going attempt to debate the histories of more than 220 indigenous nations within the perimeters of the Brazilian national state. Against a long-established belief that indigenous populations would inevitably be extinct and/or be assimilated into a grandmestiço-caboclo mass, most contemporary indigenous groups have not only managed to strengthen local and pan-indigenous identities but also to grow at a much faster rate than other populations inside the Brazilian territory. In addition to this, another interesting finding is that some indigenous nations that had been previously declared extinct by historians and anthropologists have been gradually “reappearing” while new ones continue to emerge through intricate processes of “ethnogenesis”. The use of the term “nations” here is intentional. Despite inciting resentments of many Brazilians who prefer the term “ethnicity”, “tribes” or “groups”, most Indigenous nations and supporters in Brazil have insisted in using the term “indigenous nations” as a political instrument. The main reason for this is that, in a society such as the Brazilian, which tends to see itself as truly “unified” and “homogenous”, the optional terms of “ethnicity” or “tribes” have proved to be politically “weak” (RAMOS, 1994). This political use of the term “nations” can also be extended to complement and conclude this present historiographical analysis. Indeed, if it is necessary to bring to mind how a Brazilian nationality was unilaterally declared at around the year of 1822 and gradually and “compulsorily” extended to every individual trapped in the perimeters of the national State, it is equally true that both an open research agenda and ethical responsibility demand the representation of a more heterogeneous picture of the “nations” that coexisted around the independence period. As a contribution to this theme, the images that follow are the first phases of a sequence of historio(midio)graphical experiments to reinterpret nineteenth century Brazilian history through the


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conjoint use of textual, visual and aural languages6. The individuals represented are contemporary descendants of many of the Indigenous nations that were predicted to absolutely assimilated or to become necessarily extinct with the passages of national time. The new faces that appear over the old canvas intend to reaffirm the need for heterogeneous, synchronical and plurinational narratives: Image 3 (right).

Different than Pedro Americo’s original painting, in which a pictorial perspective leads to the commanding figure of Pedro I, in which historical perspective seems just a linear route to the unicity of the State and the Nation, the recreated painting suggests multiple paths of resilience, strength and adaptation7.

Image 3.

Image 4.

In the calm and defiant gazes of peoples whose very indigeneity was once considered a sign of weakness and of natural annihilation, one can perhaps read an ironic reminder: nations that predated national states, nations that coexisted during and after the emergence of the national states, are nations that might be possibly, very soon, narrating the historical briefness of national states.

6 All of these images, along with other attempts to re-narrate chapters of Brazilian visual history with the help of multimedia tools, are currenly hosted at, a Web site conceived as a digital chapter of my PhD thesis and current postdoc project. 7 As it was anticipated, these draft images are part of an ongoing experiment to use multimedia to narrate Brazilian history form a decolonized point of view. Indeed, by the way they are reproduced in this article, one can inevitably point to the possible lack of agency and a-historicity in the representation of these Indigenous groups: first, they are all photographed as single individuals; second, they are facing the camera, doing nothing, which is ethnographic. Third, they appear to be subjects we are holding under a microscope for our own gaze, rather than humans engaged in some meaningful practice. Because of these understandable eventual critiques, it is important to anticipate that the next phases of this historiomediographical project will be tackling these issues, especially by emphasizing group-shots, in which Indigenous are engaged in historic, specific and meaningful activities. Beyond the sketchy examples above, the main task of this computer graphics and Web-based project, by reframing traditional history discourses exemplarily represented in Américo’s painting, is to contribute to the general effort of those arguing for the need for decolonial and polycentric aesthetics (SHOHAT; STAM, 2000). There is no need to describe every feature of the Web project. Since it is intended to be a self-explanatory and self-sufficient narrative of the history of Brazil – intelligible also to those who will never read this article - I will limit the reference to indicate its on-line address:


Decolonization 2.0: Digital tools and challenges to Latin American historical discourses || Genaro Oliveira

Image 5.

Bibliographical References: Alencastro, L. (2000). O trato dos viventes: formação do Brasil no Atlântico Sul. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras. Andermann, J. (2007). The Optic of the State. Visuality and Power in Argentina and Brazil. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press. Anderson, B. (1991). Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London: Verso. Balibar, E. (1998). “The Nation Form: History and Ideology”, in Etienne, Balibar & Imannuel, Wallerstein, Nation, Class: Ambiguous Identities. London: Verso. Brown, J. (2004). Forum: history and the Web: From the illustrated newspaper to cyberspace: visual technologies and interaction in the nineteenth and twenty-first centuries. Rethinking History: The Journal of Theory and Practice, 8:2, pp. 253-275. Burke, P. (1992). New Perspectives on Historical Writing. University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State UP. Chauí, M. (2000). Mito fundador e sociedade autoritária. São Paulo: Editora Perseu Abramo. Dutra, E. (2007). “The Mirror of History and Images of the Nation: the Invention of a National Identity in Brazil and its Contrasts with Similar Enterprises in Mexico and Argentina”, in Stefan, Berger, Writing the nation: a global perspective. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Eriksen, T. (2007). Nationalism and the Internet. Nations and Nationalism, nº 1, Vol. 13, pp. 1-17. Guerra, F. (2003). “Forms of communication, political spaces, and cultural identities in the creation of Spanish American nations” in Sara, Klarén & John, Chasteen (eds.), Beyond Imagined Communities: Reading and Writing the Nation in Nineteenth-Century Latin America. Baltimore, MD and London: Woodrow Wilson Center Press/The Johns Hopkins University Press, pp. 3–32. Itzigsohn, J. & Hau, M. (2006). Unfinished Imagined Communities: States, Social Movements, and Nationalism in Latin America. Theory and Society 35(2), pp. 193-212.


Decolonization 2.0: Digital tools and challenges to Latin American historical discourses || Genaro Oliveira

Jancsó, I. & Pimenta, J. (2000). “Peças de um mosaico (apontamentos para o estudo da emergência da identidade nacional brasileira” in Mota, C. (Org.), Viagem incompleta – a experiência brasileira 1500-2000. Formação – histórias. São Paulo: Senac, pp. 127-76. Juola, P. (2008). Killer applications in the digital humanities, Literary and Linguistic Computing, 23(1), pp. 73–83. Klarén, S. & Chasteen, J. (eds.) (2003). Beyond Imagined Communities: Reading and Writing the Nation in Nineteenth-Century Latin America. Baltimore, MD and London: Woodrow Wilson Center Press/The Johns Hopkins University Press, pp. 3–32. Lee, B. (1993). “Going Public” in Public Culture, nº 5. Lima, A. (1995). “Um olhar sobre a presença das populações nativas na invenção do Brasil” in Aracy, Silva & Luiz, Grupioni (Org.), A questão indígena na sala de aula. Novos subsídios para professores de 1º e 2º graus. Brasília: MEC. Mello, E. (2002). Um imenso Portugal: história e historiografia. São Paulo: Editora 34. Miller, N. (2006). “The Historiography of Nationalism and National Identity in Latin America” in Nations and Nationalism, 12(2), pp. 201-221. Prescott, A. (2012). “Consumers, creators, or commentators?: Problems of audience and mission in the digital humanities” in Arts and Humanities in Higher Education, 11. Quijano, A. & Wallerstein, I. (1992). “Americanity as a Concept: Or, the Americas in the Modern World System” in International Social Science Journal, v. 44, pp. 549–57. Ramos, A. (1994). “Nações dentro da nação: um desencontro de ideologias” in George, Zarur (org.) Etnia e Nação na América Latina. Washington: OEA, pp. 79-88. Schultz, K. (2001). Tropical Versailles: empire, monarchy, and the Portuguese court in Rio de Janeiro. New York: Routledge. Warner, M. (1992). “The Mass Public and the Mass Subject” in Calhoun, C. (Org.), Habermas and the Public Sphere, Cambridge: Mass. pp. 377-401. Wehling, A. (1999). Estado, História, Memória: Varnhagen e a Construção da Identidade Nacional. Rio de Janeiro: Nova Fronteira.


Abstract: From the analysis of audiovisual production of TV Olhos d’agua - of State University of Feira de Santana (UEFS) we seek to accomplish a work whose proposition is to present the ex-voto object as immaterial heritage and primordial source of memory, aiming to debate the role of folk communication agents in perpetuating a tradition linked to the Sanctuary of Bomfim, in Salvador, Bahia. Keywords: Social Memory; Folk Communication; Ex-votes; Tradition; Sanctuary. 1. The religious tradition From analyses concerning to the historical process of Portuguese colonization in Brazil, It is understood here that Church is presented, linked to Portuguese Crown. The facts that prove a strong religious heritage are countless, reinforcing the action of the Crown to guarantee an adequate process of structuration for the objectives of the dominant groups at that time. The relation among church, colonization, communication and tradition continues to the present day, since the religious discourse is a testimony of religious experiences, both for a given past or present collectivity as well as for society. Considering the plurality of facts pertaining to religiosity, we observe that the tradition of offering objects as a way of gratitude for a grace achieved is a practice observed in prechristian civilizations, arriving at the American continent through Portuguese and Spanish colonizations. In the middle age, ex-votos were ordered by nobility, period in which Christian Church became the major institution of western Europe. Its incalculable richness and Greco-Roman cultural heritage allowed them to exercise the ideological and cultural hegemony at that time. At that time, Church started the conversion of “barbarians”, being rewarded with crescent prestige and taking over several political attributions linked to culture, administration and spiritual control. Given the great cultural affinity between Brazil and Portugal. At that time the devout created his own language to establish a relation with God or the saint of their devotion: the ex-voto language. 2. Sanctuary of Bomfim The devotion to Senhor do Bomfim was initiated in Bahia with the arrival of Captain Teodósio Rodrigues de Farias, in 1717. After passing through a storm with his ship and asking for the help of Bom Jesus of Setubal, if granted, he would arrive at the city of


Sanctuary of Senhor Bom Jesus do Bomfim, Salvador. A case study on tradition, memory and folk communication in audiovisual production Genivalda Cândido da Silva1 & Flávia Maciel Paulo dos Anjos2 UFBA - Salvador, Brazil

1 Mestranda em Museologia pela Universidade Federal da Bahia, PPGMuseu atualmente. Bolsista ICPIBIC - UFBA. No Projeto Ex-votos das Américas: etapa Américas do Norte e Central. Orientador: Dr. José Cláudio Alves de Oliveira. [email protected] com 2 Locutora da TV Olhos d’água da Universidade Estadual de Feira de Santana, pesquisadora do Grupo de Estudos em Cibermuseus da Universidade Federal da Bahia, e Pós-Graduada em Estudos Culturais História e linguagens pela UNIJORGE. [email protected]

Sanctuary of Senhor Bom Jesus do Bomfim, Salvador. A case study on tradition, memory and folk communication in audiovisual production || Genivalda Cândido da Silva & Flávia Maciel Paulo dos Anjos

Salvador and would build a hermitage for the Saint. From that, the construction of the church was completed in nine years. The location chosen was the highest point seen from the sea, where people who came through the Baía de todos os Santos could see the temple. For that reason, the church of Bomfim itself is also considered to be an ex-voto, once it comes from of a fulfillment of a promise. From the Lusitanian perspective, the new land was, in fact, a gift from God, being, because of this, designated as Island of Vera Cruz and, shortly afterwards, as Terra Santa de Santa Cruz. In order to explain the force of divine presence, landforms such as mountains, rivers and islands are baptized with names of saints. Crosses, Oratories and Hermitages are spread in the summits of hills, crossroads or roadsides. Through the fields and roads echo the Hymns (bem-ditos) and processions and peregrinations make their holy way both through villages and towns, and through wild places and open fields, in a live testimony that the land is full of sacredness by Christian presence. As divine answers to these acts of religious fidelity, appearances and miracles multiply. In peregrination centers, ex-voto rooms are a constant testimony of celestial favors, highlighting even more the strength of the mythical conception of the blessed land. (AZZI, 1987) Brandão (2004), in his article Fronteira da fé: some systems of meaning, beliefs and religions in Brazil today, emphasizes that popular religious traditions, frequently associated with Afro-Brazilian culture, are considered by members of other religious traditions as demoniac forms of perversion of the sacred. Such deviation of the Christian sense of faith, associated to the necessity to secure the internal area of the Church of Bomfim from vandals activity during the festivity of washing (lavagem), led the archdioceses to prohibit access of pilgrims to the internal area of the temple on the day of the festivity, that happens on the second Thursday after epiphany, and kept the doors of the church closed. Then, the “baianas” started throwing water and washing the staircase and the church square. Also, since 1923, the traditional hymn to Senhor do Bomfim is sung. As we are in a moment when cultural and symbolic manifestations are more explicit, the Washing of Bomfim has become an important milestone for the valorization of the sanctuary, that started to be understood as an element in the consolidation of the collective identity of Bahian people. Thus, TV stations production in Brazil has been decisive in the construction of citizenship and fundamental part in the production and circulation process of significations and senses. 3. Memory as Heritage When Ulpiano Bezerra de Menezes, states that “memory is in vogue” and not only as a theme of studies among specialists, he is confirming that memory is also a support of identity processes of a society and related to its heritage, more specifically to society as a whole. The words rescue, patrimonialization, preservation, are indicators of a fragility that demands special care in order not to lose its pure mutable essence of something that existed or is pre-existent. In this sense, mass communication, done in sanctuaries, reinforce that reification. Therefore, memory, both as practice and representation, is alive and active among us. However, it does not mean stability and not even equilibrium and tranquility. On the contrary, its status is extremely problematic, so that many specialists, such as Richard Terdiman (1993), diagnose a true crisis of memory within western society. (MENESES, 1999: 13 However, Santaella (2005) comments on, among others approaches, involving the contents of this very context about the challenge is giving a new scope to what is seen, proportioning new meanings to past legacies, adapting such technical inventions in one’s benefit, utilizing means and materials of their own time, doing a re-reading of languages and visual artifices, thus into quotidian information


Sanctuary of Senhor Bom Jesus do Bomfim, Salvador. A case study on tradition, memory and folk communication in audiovisual production || Genivalda Cândido da Silva & Flávia Maciel Paulo dos Anjos

exposed at all time and transmitted in mass media. However, while literate or considered erudite cultures somatize things and meanings, in non-literate cultures people considered marginalized, rural or mass communities, tend to assimilate and transform words into things. Michael Foucault (1999) affirms that assimilating forms to contents, along with religious analysis, is something done since ancient Greece and elucidates that at a certain point, language is made of signals systems which individuals have chosen, firstly, for themselves. In other words, mankind has the gift of language, and it is through it that they communicate. However, man needs writing because if God taught man to write, that was because he did not trust in man’s memory. According to Foucault (1999), memory is not only inside man, but in everything around him, because the material keeps the immaterial, remembrances, histories and things, more precisely, the immaterial preserved within the material. Seeking to highlight the social character of memory, since all remembrances related to material and moral life in societies, places and people with which we exchange information and teachings consist of a cultural trade of knowledge and experiences, it is worth to say that not even the most particular memories can be thought in exclusively individual terms. Thus, this very work starts from an analysis of an audiovisual production in order to identify and debate the role of the diverse agents involved in perpetuating the devotion to Senhor Bom Jesus do Bomfim da Bahia. Since 1980, cultural assets start to have a different sense in Brazil. The National Institute for Historical and Artistic Heritage (IPHAN) incorporated some elements beyond material assets in their list of heritage, as Camargo (2002: 91-92) cites, mainly assets of “popular origin, their procedures and, more recently, the immaterial heritage, such as festivities, dances, processions, gastronomy, etc. In accordance with the international politics, Brazilian Federal Constitution from 1988 (BRAZIL, 1988), article 216th, recognizes the Brazilian cultural heritage as an element of material and immaterial nature, taken separately or conjunctly, carriers of the construction of identity, the activity, memory and cultural diversity of the constituent groups that formed Brazilian society, in which are included: expression forms; forms of creating, doing and living, scientific, artistic and technological creations; works, objects, documents, buildings, etc. In that context, the ex-voto was and still is part of all that evolution, both artistic and evolutive, migrating from the past into the future, dialoguing with all varied kinds of groups. According to Oliveira (2009); [...] the ex-votos [...] are documents. Expositions performed by all types of people - peasants, workers, unemployed people, tourists, students, rich and poor people. They reflect the belief, faith and attitudes of man towards life, sickness, death, ambition, feasts, varied social, political and economic values. When keeping (and updating) tradition, those people look to the custom of going to a popular ambient to pray and to­­­­release the vow. (OLIVEIRA, 2009: 31) 4. Tradition and folk communication in audiovisual production Unlike mass communication which is based on industrial processes, through which the communicator extends their messages in an impersonal manner, vertically to an informal and disperse audience, folk communication is, by nature and structure, hand-made and horizontal, similar in essence to the types of interpersonal communications, once its messages are elaborated, encoded and transmitted in languages and channels familiar to the audience, which, in turn, is known both psychologically and in person by the communicator, even if disperse”.(BELTRÃO, 2001:168). It is interesting to briefly synthesize the theme from its “creator”, that gave birth to the term in 1967. When Journalist Luis Beltrão was defending his doctorate thesis in UNB, He was creating and bringing to life a new discipline, the folk communication, still greatly unknown and poorly understood.


Sanctuary of Senhor Bom Jesus do Bomfim, Salvador. A case study on tradition, memory and folk communication in audiovisual production || Genivalda Cândido da Silva & Flávia Maciel Paulo dos Anjos

Nowadays, it is more disseminated, with groups of researchers in Brazil and everywhere else, but still not as much as the most classic disciplines of communication. Until then, popular traditions were studied by areas such as Folklore and applied human sciences. It was through his work that the analysis of popular communication has gone new direction and research field, in which are placed the ex-votos. From this assertion, the processes of understanding and judging popular culture, or massive culture, have come to be seen differently, principally towards an object that was not very much studied within the area of communication: the ex-voto. Communication is a phenomenon that surges when information, as a novelty, needs to be interpreted. When there is nothing new, also there is nothing to be interpreted and communicated. That is why information and communication have little importance in systems established in the tradition. (STOCKINGER, 2003: 12) Luis Beltrão was the pioneer in the fundamentation of the scientific study of communication in Brazil to fulfill the analysis of popular communication, later on, drawing attention to the social dimension of folklore notion that was disseminated around the globe. Thus, popular traditions became important sources of research in the fields of Anthropology, Sociology and Folklore, yet, according to the author, neglected by communication professionals. (BELTRÃO, 1965: 9). The set of traditional assets and practices which identity people as “ Bahian people” is, according to Canclini (2008), what we may call heritage. For him, we should not discuss the repertoire of a people, full of symbologies, but preserve it, restore it and disseminate it in order to keep unity among these people. The first concern of the team of TV station Olhos d’agua, a station linked to UEFS, when they received the written request to be covering the lavagem do Bonfim which is a traditional religious festivity of Bahia, was to avoid neglecting popular manifestations and the role of the agents involved in that process, elaborating the production of an educational audiovisual content that could be different from daily reports produced by commercial TVs and presented Bomfim church as reference heritage for the understanding of aspects of religiosity of Bahian society.

Image 1. Mr. Erivaldo, a seller for more than 20 years, in the sanctuary staircase. Photo by Genivalda Cândido da Silva

For the reporting team, two people were chosen to produce the report: Flávia Maciel and Genivalda Cândido, who has been GREC member for 4 years and also studies ex-votos and their typologies. From material acquired by means of research on books, journals, as well as the images produced during documental research in photos, videos produced in previous years, also recorded interviews with devouts, local businessmen, ambulant and fixed vendors of the staircase and sanctuary’s


Sanctuary of Senhor Bom Jesus do Bomfim, Salvador. A case study on tradition, memory and folk communication in audiovisual production || Genivalda Cândido da Silva & Flávia Maciel Paulo dos Anjos

surroundings, including some travelers who come to the place to perform a ritual of tiding up the ribbon of Senhor do Bomfim with three knots and making three wishes, it was possible to produce an audiovisual content, in which is presented, not only, the sanctuary history, but also the roles of these agents in perpetuating the tradition of praising Senhor do Bomfim.

Image 2. Couple in the act of tying the ribbons and make three requests in the churchyard of Bomfim. Photo by Genivalda Cândido da Silva

The preservation of social memory can be seen in the tradition in front of the sanctuary on a daily basis, for it exists in the place, for a long time, the process that Marques de Melo denominates communication of the promises fulfillers (2005), that goes through the phase of obtaining the object. It spreads itself beyond the square (S. image 2). It is in the miracle room and in the museum of exvotos. In the room, people, freely, deliver their messages and information through the ex-votos; in the museum, the synthesis of all that effervescence, when some of the ex-votos will be classically exposed. Speaking of memory is like getting into a museum and taking from there valuable information or curiosities of an (un)known world and discovering and perceiving it better. Relating collections and images is also a way of verifying the concretization of certain collections which result of, or compose institutions and/or places of memory, that in turn, can embrace the visible and the invisible in which both imagery and symbolism constitute themselves from a range of objects (symbolic, imagerylike ones, fantastic). It is worth outlining that the cultural importance of popular manifestations proposes both understanding and questioning. Roger Chartier (1995) deals with culture and popular manifestation as an erudite category, a symbolic system coherent and autonomous which functions according to a logic completely separated and irreducible to literate culture. (CHARTIER, 1995: 176). Images of mass communication, principally those found in sanctuaries, which are spontaneous portrayings, carry within characterizing elements of the folk communication in sanctuaries and miracle rooms. They are represented by objects such as ex-votos that symbolize the link between men and the divine. Those elements, called hand-made of diffusion, can be observed in varied typologies, as paintings painted by “riscadores de milagres”, also traditional sculptures made of paraffin, photographs, unusual fibroids in vitro, among others that supported among promises and requests to obtain a grace via devotion, present themselves as media of the people. Besides gratitude, the ex-voto is a source of information per se and, when it is considered as a communicative object, it is important to highlight the necessity of studying it in the context where it belongs so that a loss of signification do not take place and therefore, a cultural repossession and re-signification occurs. Régis Debray (1992: 372-3), asserts that the fetishization of the moment and of immediacy eliminates the explanatory continuities, the sign is transformed into a mere signal and the hyper-information results in disinformation. In order to identify the sense behind an ex-voto image it is necessary to dialogue with the context in which it pertains to, not only focusing on the artistic expression of the piece, but on its diversion


Sanctuary of Senhor Bom Jesus do Bomfim, Salvador. A case study on tradition, memory and folk communication in audiovisual production || Genivalda Cândido da Silva & Flávia Maciel Paulo dos Anjos

finality, for it contains a double signification. Besides demonstration of faith, the piece carries within a socio-cultural experience that is common to their communicators, interlocutors and receptors. In accordance to what is found in João de Deus Gois (2004), in his work Religiosidade Popular, the popular religiosity is a privileged expression of the enculturation of faith: It is not only about religious expressions, but also about values, criteria, conducts and attitudes that come from catholic dogmas and constitute the wisdom of our people, forming its cultural matrix” (Gois, 2004) Although the miracle room of the sanctuary of Senhor Bom Jesus do Bomfim is composed of an important heritage, once it presents records of part of the religiosity pertaining to Brazilian and Bahian society, its signification is not yet as comprehensive as a vehicle of mass communication. When we think about an audiovisual production that translates, at least partially, the religiosity of Brazilian society, from the presupposition that we are in the communication society, composed by several complex social sub-systems that create and re-create reality and re-signify ideologies as soon as new data, updated, are consumed, we must focus on the role of the observer of a second order, in this very case, a reporter that develops a fundamental role, reflecting about data supplied by the observer of a first order, the interviewed person, to produce an audiovisual content which enables the preservation and dissemination of that heritage. Being linked to a TV station that follows the model of a public TV, when (re) elaborating that system of signs present in the social imagery surrounding religiosity, the producer of audiovisual content must not subscribe to videologies or preconceptions, many times implicit in the text, in the sound (interviews) and in the images exhibited or even in their suppression. The producer must keep an editorial independence and the commitment to impartiality, thus becoming an open channel to democratic participation, allowing that information about the tradition of praising Senhor do Bomfim could be selected by the individual, encoded, decoded, re-created and re-invented in a social process of communication until it becomes significant for the society. When producing content that socializes information and knowledge concerning to the tradition of praising Senhor do Bomfim, more than enabling the debate about social memory of religiosity and about cultural manifestations as heritage, the audiovisual production can become one more element folk communicational, enabling an interpersonal communication about the theme hereby considered. 5. Conclusion When we talk about heritage, memory and tradition, social memory is understood as a guardian, but it is necessary a history about what nourishes the visitations and re-signifies the heritage. In a miracle room, where the traditional ex-voto, gives room to CDs, cell phones, computers, where communication secretly goes through signs contained in gratitude planks or rosary offered as thanks, lead the receptors to more instigations, to (re)interpretations of the objects, thus completing a process of popular communication. After analyzing the report produced, we can affirm that, beyond the transmission of the news about the festivities and praises to Senhor do Bomfim, the retake of the original history of the building of the church and the devotion to the saint, as well as the highlighted actions of the several agents (devouts, members of the church, street workers, business men and tourists who visit the sanctuary) and how these actions interfere in perpetuating this tradition, besides valuating the role of each one of them, it enables the understanding of Brazilian religious phenomena and of the social character of memory. In doing that, we believe that the audiovisual production can be also understood as a folk communicational process, once it preserves the history of the tradition of praising Bomfim and re-


Sanctuary of Senhor Bom Jesus do Bomfim, Salvador. A case study on tradition, memory and folk communication in audiovisual production || Genivalda Cândido da Silva & Flávia Maciel Paulo dos Anjos

signifies it for the new generations from the popular culture.

Bibliographical References Anjos, F. (2012). “Tradicionalidade e devoção marcam os festejos em louvor ao Senhor do Bomfim”. [Vídeo]. Produção TV Olhos d’água. Feira de Santana: Universidade Estadual de Feira de Santana. Azzi, R. (1987). A Cristandade Colonial: Mito e Ideologia. Petrópolis: Vozes. p. 34. Beltrão, L. (2004). Folkcomunicação: teoria e metodologia. São Bernardo do Campo: UMESP. Brandão, C. (2004). “Fronteira da fé: alguns sistemas de sentido, crenças e religiões no Brasil de hoje” in Estudos Avançados, nº 52, v. 18, (dez.) São Paulo. [Url:] Camargo, H. (2002). Patrimônio Histórico e Cultural. São Paulo: Aleph. Carvalho, C. (1914). Tradição e Milagres do Bomfim. Salvador: Typografia Baiana. Chartier, R. (1995). Estudos Históricos. v. 8, Cultura Popular. p. 179. Debray. R. (1992). Vida e Morte da Imagem. História da Arte no Ocidente. Paris: Ed. Vozes. Rj. pp. 372-3. Gois, J. (2004). Religiosidade Popular. Pesquisas. São Paulo: Ed. Loyola. pp. 7-147 Melo, J. (2008). Mídia e cultura popular, História, taxionomia e metodologia da folkcomunicação. Coleção Comunicação. São Paulo: Paulus. Menezes. U. (1999). 3ª reimpressão. FAPESB: UNESP. pp. 11-31. ______. (1987). “Identidade cultural e arqueologia” in Alfredo, Bosi (org), Cultura Brasileira: temas e situações. São Paulo: Ática. pp. 182-190. Oliveira, J. (2009). “Forma e conteúdo” in Revista de História da Biblioteca Nacional. Ano 4, nº. 41 (fev.), p. 30-31. Stockinger, G. (2003). A sociedade da comunicação. Rio de Janeiro: Papel Virtual Editora. p. 297.


Abstract: Being today a discreet presence and perhaps not so much as a foreground means of communication, radio has, however, been playing a key role in building sound communities in the Lusophone space. Closely linked to the music industry, more than any other medium, radio has manifested in this field an exceptionality not always well acknowledged. At a time when we are all centered in the image as almost the absolute form of expression, we seem to forget that a very significant dimension of our identity is made of sounds existing in things and places. Recognizing, therefore, that lusophonies are also constituted by this invisible soul, we will intend to defend in this paper an argument about the potential of radio for the enhancement of historic and symbolic ties. A particular attention to the concept of community radio will be developed, taking as an example the Rádio Ás, an online station that results from a partnership between three municipalities – Aveiro (Portugal), Santa Cruz (Cape Verde) and São Bernardo do Campo (Brazil) – and is defined as a vehicle lusophony. The main goal is to think radio stations as like colonies of sounds inhabited by a spirit that only the ear can meet.

Colonies of Sounds: The role of radio in the sound expression of lusophony Madalena Oliveira1 Communication and Society Research Centre/University of Minho, Portugal

Keywords: Radio; Comunity; Lusophony; Identity 1. Radio and daily life The history of radio has been the history of a discrete but persevering medium. Unlike many of the apocalyptic announcements of its disappearance, the radio has resisted to what has been generally recognized as some of its weaknesses: the lack of image and the support on sound resources exclusively. To these difficulties especially relevant in an era that is defined as a civilization of image, radio has always taken advantage of a set of virtues: technical simplicity, portability, discretion of its presence, whose listening does not require exclusivity (Portela, 2011: 27) and an extraordinary flexibility to adapt to new platforms, new devices and new ways of listening (Jedrzejewski, 2007: 11). If in the early years of radio broadcasts, the radio came from large ‘boxes’ of sound, it is now integrated into everyday devices, the mobile phone and the car, where it became part of the components / core applications. It is also available on computers, especially through streaming websites of the stations as part of many workplaces, shops, public institutes, cafes and even public transport environment. Although it has lost the centrality in the media landscape – which actually it only had until the advent of television – radio has not exactly registered ​​a loss of audiences. According to data from Bareme Radio Marktest (that is a regular study aiming at studying the medium of radio and measuring the


1 Assistant Professor at Social Sciences Institute at University of Minho and integrated member of Communication and Society Research Centre. Principal Investigator of the project ‘NET Station: shaping radio for web environment’ (PTDC/CCI-COM/2010/122384). Coordinator of the Radio and Audio Media Research Group of Sopcom and vice-chair of ECREA Radio Research Section. [email protected]

Colonies of Sounds: The role of radio in the sound expression of lusophony || Madalena Oliveira

audience of Portuguese stations), at the end of 2013, almost 80 % of the Portuguese population (at the age of 15 years or more) listened to radio at least once a week1, which means that radio is still one of the more present means of communication, if not the most present of all, in everyday life. Considered “one of the most democratic and more open media to users’ intervention” (Alcudia Borreguero, 2008: 124), radio is, on the other hand, perhaps the most generous and kind medium within the landscape of social communication. Made of a language that is as rational as emotional (Balsebre, 2004), it is, both in technical and in literacy terms, the less demanding mass medium. That is why, in underdeveloped or developing countries, it has a particularly high penetration. It is estimated, for example, that in Mozambique radio reaches approximately 60% of the population, while the television is available at less than a fifth of Mozambique homes. Based on four fundamental narrative elements – word, music, silence and sound effects (Balsebre, 2004) – radio has an undeniable relevance in terms of information (it is said that it is the first to give the latest news), but also from the perspective of aesthetic productions, it has played a very important function not always well recognized. In addition to being a medium adapted to the protection of language, it is also a sensitive source of cultural productions and the most important agent of diffusion and promotion of music. Although contemporary society tends to value very little listening experience – one of the reasons why radio has been a means neglected in terms of research – the relationship of human communication with the ear is extremely deep. Because sound keeps an indexical nature2, it is vibration and not only a representation of something which it is sound of, the sound experience is an experience of connection to the world. In a book on the history of sound and hearing, David Hendy considers that modernity is noisy, but he also recognizes that “the sound can help us understand human history in a new and enlightening way” (2013: x). Being sound a way of touching at distance, and being radio essentially made of sounds, it is, as we will reflect further on, also a means of cultural identity and connection, expression, in our context, of invisible lusophonies. 2. Radio and the sense of community Being today not only the channel of information transmission invented by Marconi, radio is communication in the sense communication should be understood as contact, relationship and interaction, sharing not only ideas, but also emotion, sensation and affection. However, comprising all these actions, the spirit of radio is essentially to build community. From families that used to get together around itself, in the golden years, to listen to shows, music and theater, to the groups of audiences it reaches today, radio has intrinsic to its nature an aggregation effect, which is expressed in the intimate relationship it promotes. Although the contexts of listening are now much more defined by practices of individuation, tuning in a radio station is still a way to integrate a community, a community of listeners who share interests, habits, musical preferences and even, in many cases, humorous sensibilities. The concept of community is usually associated with a set of socio-demographic characteristics and geographical delimitation which hides the cultural and symbolic side that communities can have. As far as the radio is concerned, it can be said that, in Portugal, the idea of ​​community has also been reduced somehow to the idea of ​​locality. For legal vacuum, there is not in the country a tradition of community radios (or community media, in the broadest sense of the concept). According 1 Data available at Marktest website 2 Andrew Crisell suggests that sound “seems never to exist as an isolated phenomenon, always to manifest the presence of something else” (1994: 43)


Colonies of Sounds: The role of radio in the sound expression of lusophony || Madalena Oliveira

to the Portuguese law, radios are defined mainly by a categorization of programming, generalistic or thematic, and by the geographical scope of the broadcast, international, national, regional or local. According to the Law on Radio (Law 54/2010 of 24 December), access to radio activity is an exclusive of “collective people whose principal object is the exercise of radio” (Art. 15). According to this principle, the access to the activity is not possible to other organizations or associations of citizens who could find in this medium a non-commercial way to promote communication3, training and promotion of a more committed citizenship. Unless this activity is performed through the Internet, which does not exactly require a license, but only a register, radio broadcast does not include, in Portuguese legislation, educational and / or cultural function not concerned to business activity. But the sense of community is much wider, not being in other countries connoted with commercial radio. Although community radio stations are usually local and more or less thematic, since they are targeted to a more specialized audience, these categories do not sufficiently reflect the idea of​​ community. A reflection on seven equivocal conceptions regarding community communication, Marcos Palacios suggests that it is inaccurate to consider that “the community is a social small-sized unit, characterized fundamentally by the physical proximity of their members” (1990: 106). According to the author, the concept of community has to be taken outside the ties of local communities, because “community is not only a place on a map” and “people can have diversified experiences of community no matter they are living close to each other or not” (1990: 107). Thought from the radio experience, the idea of ​​community should be taken in its multiple expression: affective, linguistic, cultural, symbolic, geographical, associative. With a vocation for the proximity, widely understood in terms of space and intimacy, the radio can be, in the Lusophone space, namely because the new opportunities created by the Internet, a medium of promise and linking. 3. Rádio Ás: an innovative project Extinct in early 2014, by order of the Municipality of Aveiro, one of its promoters, Radio Ás was born as a pioneering project, which was also an exploratory design project on the utility radio can have for the promotion of culture and Lusophone solidarity . In accordance with Portuguese law, Radio Ás appeared as an online broadcaster with exclusive broadcast on the Internet, being its initiative of a partnership between three cities: Aveiro (Portugal), Santa Cruz (Cape Verde) and São Bernardo do Campo (Brazil). It was perhaps the first radio project based in Portugal to promote this type of connection between Portuguese-speaking countries. According to its editorial project, Radio Ás had the following objectives: :1 (a) “to motivate the civic participation in public space and to open the programming to associative organizations of citizens’; (b) ‘to reinforce the communities’ cohesion and to sponsor programming related to community life’; and (c) ‘to deepen the approach to urban culture and local identity and to promote the diffusion of tradition trends and local modernity through this medium”. In the scope of its mission, the radio was intended to (a) “consolidating the mutual knowledge, the cooperation and the friendship relation between populations from the three involved partners”; (b) “fostering the value and the multiculturalism experience”; (c) “supporting the diffusion of Portuguese language, by intending to be a vehicle of ‘Lusophony”; and (d) encouraging “innovation and creativity”. Based on a collaborative scheme, Radio As programming resulted of a dynamic participation of listeners, associations and other social organizations which took up the role of content producers. 3

According to Cammaerts (2009), community radios constitute an alternative to commercial and public models of radio broadcast.


Colonies of Sounds: The role of radio in the sound expression of lusophony || Madalena Oliveira

Dependent, therefore, on the contribution of the communities themselves, this project was defined by an irregular programming concentrated especially in the evening hours. The majority of programmes was produced in Portugal, only one programme was made ​​in Brazil, which is still broadcasted in other Brazilian radios. Apart from several individual producers and animators, Radio Ás programming also had the participation of some associations and other public bodies, such as the Portuguese Association for Environmental Education, the Section of Basketball Beira-Mar , the Library Network of Schools Group of Aveiro, the Aveiro Municipal Assembly , the Association of Immigrant Support and Mon on Mon, Association of Friends of Guinea-Bissau . Besides a set of more or less institutional nature programmes, Radio Ás also included several musical proposals. From the initiative of individual authors, in general, these programmes presented themselves as dedicated to various types of music spaces, from jazz to hard rock, through punk and avant-garde. The music was actually one of the most frequent topics of programming of Radio Ás, whose frequency could vary between weekly and fortnightly biweekly. At registration for the provision of programmes, the authors were invited to present the proposal detailing the objectives of the programme in terms of theme, target audience, approaches to local cultures and local identities and referring concerns with multicultural themes and the promotion of Portuguese language and Lusophony. Radio Ás has been online for two years, albeit with excessive flicker in terms of broadcast and regularity of its programming. Despite the initial enthusiasm, the project failed apparently due to lack of resources to support it and probably due to the fragile and little significant involvement of partners. Virtuos on the idea, the project of this community radio did not work to constitute an example to replicate. At least Three reasons contributed to the originality of this pioneering project: (a) the intersection of three partners from different countries; (b) the collaborative structure based on contributions from individual authors, associations and other social groups; and (c) the investment on exclusively audio content (beside the institutional information, the website contained only a kind of button to listen to the streaming). Working as a kind of ‘colony of sounds’, the Radio Ás had the purpose of being a station produced by three communities for another target community, a community built by the contribution of the three partners. In this sense, although without having fully achieved the goal, this community radio was meant to be not a radio to the community, but a radio made by the community, thus pursuing the adage of the World Association of Community Radio according to which the “radio community has not to do with making up something for the community but to the community to do something for itself “(Mtimbe 1998: 34). Constituting itself as a editorial project freer when compared with other commercial radios, this model of community radio, dedicated to the expression of cultural identities, presents itself as an opportunity for the dissemination of productions appropriate to the values ​​and needs of communities (Peruzzo, 2006), but also as a vehicle of different sounds of the Portuguese language. Without obligations regarding phonetic standardization of the language, this kind of projects is permeable to the diversity of accents and the variety of rhythms characteristic of each region or country. 4. Lusophony and sound identity Within the assumption according to which it is in diversity that unit can be recognized, it can be said that the model of community-based radio is not only desirable but essential to fight against the effects of globalization that tends to make everything homogeneous and undifferentiated. For radio in general and community projects in particular today it is expected a particularly important role in the


Colonies of Sounds: The role of radio in the sound expression of lusophony || Madalena Oliveira

defense of linguistic identity concerns. Establishing itself as an alternative to the creative industry, it also increasingly adjusted to the imperatives of an alleged global language, the radio has here also one of the reasons for its resilience. Based on the word – which is its dominant plastic element – it offers a chance to insist on linguistic differentiation, which is a matter not only of grammatical code, but also of the sounds, rhythms, materialization of affect. Understood as a space of culture (Martins, 2006: 50), Lusophony is built up in the area of​​ visible elements, symbols, colours, landscapes, but it is also made of the music that exists in words, in literature, in songs and in the voices which acquire, despite the common language, sounds very expressive of ways of living and of feeling. It is in this dimension that radio is, or may be, complicit in the construction of an identity that, although invisible, because essentially acoustic, expresses the soul of communities that history and language made becoming like brothers. With the added advantage of overcoming the constraints of terrestrial space and no longer confined to a territorial definition thanks to the Internet, radio offers the debate on Lusophone the possibility of linking distant places in the intimacy that only the sound can provide (Oliveira, 2013: 187). Trends in radio studies show a particular focus from research to technological challenges, the journalistic discourse, the dynamics of participation, themes of regulation and political economy of the sector and the promotion of the music industry. But radio is also space for aesthetic creation and the construction of narratives able to trace geographies of sounds. In a society not much stimulated for listening, researching and developing the role of radio for broadcasting the sound that there is in places and also do what we could call the soundscape is a challenge not only for studies of radio but for Lusophone studies too. David Hendy recognizes that “by its nature it is difficult to sound to be entirely owned or controlled” because “its natural tendency is to move freely through the air” (2013 : xiv ). If a sound history of Lusophone is not possible, at least its exercise is at the reach of a bet on the radio and colonization of the ear.

Bibliographical References Balsebre, A. (2004). El lenguaje radiofónico. Barcelona: Cátedra. Borreguero, M. (2008). Nuevas perspectivas sobre los generos radiofónicos. Madrid, Editorial Frágua. Cammaerts, B. (2009). “Community radio in the West. A legacy of struggle for survival in a state and capitalist controlled media environment” in The International Communication Gazzette, 71(8), pp. 635-654. Crisell, A. (1994). Understanding radio. London and New York: Routledge. Hendy, D. (2013). Noise. A human history of sound and listening. London: Profile Books. Jedrzejewski, S. (2007). The medium with promising future. Lublin: Wydawnictwo KUL Martins, M. (2006). “Lusofonia e luso-tropicalismo. Equívocos e possibilidades de dois conceitos híper-identitários” in Bastos, N. (org.) Língua Portuguesa. Reflexões Lusófonas. São Paulo: Editora PUCSP, pp. 49-62. Mtimbe, L. et al. (1998). What is a community radio?. AMARC Africa: Panos Southern Africa. Oliveira, M. (2013). “Sounds and Identity: the role of radio in community building” in Stachyra,


Colonies of Sounds: The role of radio in the sound expression of lusophony || Madalena Oliveira

G. (ed.) Radio. Community, challenges, aesthetics. Lublin: Maria Curie-Sklodowska University Press, pp. 177-188. Palácios, M. (1990). “Sete teses equivocadas sobre comunidade e comunicação comunitária” in Comunicação e Política, nº 11, pp. 103-110. Peruzzo, C. (2006). “Rádio comunitária na Internet: empoderamento social das tecnologias” in Revista FAMECOS, nº 30, pp. 115-125. Portela, P. (2011). A rádio na Internet em Portugal. Ribeirão: Húmus.


Abstract: The present work aims to bring reflections on the defense of the national language, its use and teaching, in the newspaper O Cacique – jornal noticioso e recreativo. This newspaper had circulation between 1870 and 1871, and it is part of a range of about 32 newspapers with literary and/or recreational character of the city of Nossa Senhora do Desterro (now Florianópolis) - Province of Santa Catarina. The objective of this work is to understand, inside the discourses of the newspaper cited, how was the construction of a linguistic identity of the Portuguese language. Concerns about the use and preservation of grammatical structure and spelling, as well as teaching these “skills” are some of the points listed in the newspapers, which are analyzed based on the concept of representation of Roger Chartier and regulatory and civilization concepts of Norbert Elias. The newspaper expressed concern about an entire maintenance of the language and what is considered a “good use “, being careful with the spelling, either by columns dedicated to the public instruction, presents in some editions, always paying attention to the patterns of spelling and grammar. Likewise the publisher concerned with exposing the justification of one of the poets of the province of Santa Catarina, although he did not agree with in the defense of its spelling governed by use and other variables. This tension appears as the construction of the national language, patchwork of rules and usages, grammar and regionalisms, scholarly and popular voices, which distanced itself from the European Portuguese, configuring what today is called Brazilian Portuguese. These are specific questions that open up other possibilities for the study of newspapers, as well as making possible to use these documents in the History of Education from different perspectives.

The issue of national language in Nossa Senhora do Desterro in the nineteenth century: the speeches of the newspaper O Cacique Suzane Cardoso Gonçalves Madruga1 UDESC, Brasil

Keywords: National Language; Desterro; 19th century; Journalistic discourses. Introduction The study of newspapers as data for research on the history of education requires sensitivity about the period covered, as well as understanding the intentions, purposes and discursive devices through which one can see the political positioning of who writes them. It is noticed in the terms used more than simple questions of information or complaint, but rather aspects of the cultural life of the site in question. In this sense it is possible to use the words of Iaponan Soares when he argues that every cultural reality has its own characteristics and, to understand it, we must examine it in the context in which it is produced. It is always marked by history,


1 Student at Master degree at the Program of Postgraduation in Education, inside the research line of History and Historiography of Education – UDESC. Graduated in Portuguese Language from the Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina - UFSC in 2009. Conducts researches in the areas of Education, Linguistic Policies, History of the Portuguese Language and Teaching/Learning of Native Language. [email protected]

The issue of national language in Nossa Senhora do Desterro in the nineteenth century: the speeches of the newspaper O Cacique || Suzane Cardoso Gonçalves Madruga

habits, beliefs and customs of the human groups that live it. (CORRÊA, 1997, p. 10). Because of this it is possible to see in the newspapers much more than political or informational speeches, but a whole construction of meanings, discourses and representations present in the spheres that produced and read these newspapers: production of public officials, owners of commercial establishments and members of the local elite. The study of newspapers as a source allows the historian, particularly the historian of education, different approaches. This requires that the historian understands that History is not theory but experience; experience of living man driven by his creative and intelligent acts, at varying levels. It is a task for a historian, making people understand the past of the man recorded on the testimonies left by those who lived and settled in part by all sorts of documentation that can be accessed. Rereading, continuous review of documents, and searching for many new relationships between seemingly isolated facts and thoughts, may allow new and interesting interpretations. It should, whenever is possible, to everyone engaged, find new explanations, without that history becomes stagnant and loses its dynamism. (CORRÊA, 1997: 17-18) It is also important to realize that the historian understand newspapers as constructions of the studied society, and each newspaper fragment, an element of a larger series of elements that precedes and follows it. Its historical value is not individual, but lies on this series, one should then consider all the surrounding circumstances and factors that enable every newspaper to exist in its time. The concept of the document/monument is therefore independent of any documentary revolution, and among its objectives is to prevent this necessary evolution to become derivative and divert the historian of its main duty: a critique of the document - whatever it is - as a monument. The document is not anything that is on account of the past, is a product of the society that produced it according to the relationship of forces that held power there. Only the analysis of the document as a monument allows the recovering of a collective memory, and permits the historian to use it scientifically, that is, in full knowledge of the facts. (LE GOFF, 2003: 536) Literary, recreational and information newspapers from the city of Desterro in the nineteenth century (currently Florianópolis) totaled about 32 titles, among the most lasting and the most ephemeral. Among the various formats of printed materials, it is possible to classify two categories: general circulation materials and restricted circulation materials. The newspapers of limited circulation, only available via subscription, had targeted content to specific groups in local society, the aesthetic presentation was elaborate, in smaller sizes and erudite language. The newspapers of general circulation were presented larger, using a more popular language, less aesthetic finish and could be purchased either individually or via subscription. As to the content of the newspapers of general circulation can be said that it was vast and aimed to achieve different groups in society and for purposes of entertainment, information and general utility, ranging from short stories and serials of humor and trading columns. Apart from these aspects is possible to highlight some positions in relation to public education and how the national language has been adopted and used. The study of newspapers is considered as an important vehicle of research to the field of History of Education and as a way to understand other discourses beyond prescribed. Such speeches are in a different sphere, not politics, and other intentionality, that is, without the purpose of regulating the behavior of the population. At least, that is not the initial proposal of the subjects responsible for the process. On the other hand there is no denying that there is an intention in the speeches of newspapers because the press creates a public space through its speech - social and symbolic - acting as a privileged cultural and ideological mediator between public and private, fixing senses, organizing relations and disciplines conflicts (BASTOS, 2002: 152) The study of newspapers, as previously put, allows different research approaches. In this paper the approach is concerning the defense of the national language, more specifically in the newspaper


The issue of national language in Nossa Senhora do Desterro in the nineteenth century: the speeches of the newspaper O Cacique || Suzane Cardoso Gonçalves Madruga

O Cacique – jornal noticioso e recreativo, that circulated in Desterro in 1870 and 1871. O Cacique and the defense of a national language The newspaper O Cacique used to have a weekly publication. It was listed among the newspapers with recreational and informative character and belonged to a specific group of scholars, that is, it had no binding, at least directly, with the political groups of Desterro. It circulated in the city of Desterro in 1870 and 1871. His manager, Mr. João Ribeiro Marques, demarcated the content of newspaper ads that were promoting the public interest, including information about public education, as well as news from outside the country, serials, biographies, commercial columns, riddles and columns of humor, denying to publish columns that say about the internal politics, as noted in the header itself. Este jornal publica-se uma vez por semana em dias indeterminados, na typografia commercial na casa n. 49 na rua do Livramento, esquina da Carioca. Dá-se publicidade gratis aos artigos que digam respeito ao bem publico; negando-se porém as columnas áquelles que forem inherentes a politica interna do paiz, e aos que ferirem individualidades. (1870: 1)1

It is inferred a varied universe of readers, since large spaces were reserved for the newspaper comic strips and also for some publications of poetry and letters sent by readers of the Cacique. Likewise, the news covered the European wars, the events of the Paraguayan War, and the commercial columns included everything from selling houses and riding equipment to slaves. Because of this utilitarian character, the sales of the newspaper O Cacique were not restricted to subscribers, since single issues could be acquired as needed or just by the interests of each reader, making the universe of readers was composed of merchants and government officials as well as people who simply wanted to continue reading the story that begun in the previous issue. On the other hand, the concerns and opinions of the publisher of the subjects covered are clear in the discourse of the newspaper trends, allowing the analysis of the newspaper not only through the content displayed but also making possible to comprehend some aspects of the reality lived in Desterro in 1870 and 1871. According to Le Goff, the document is something that stands, that lasts, and witness the teaching (to evoke the etymology) that it brings must first be analyzed, demystifying its apparent meaning. The document is a monument. It results of the efforts of historical societies to impose to the future - voluntary or not - certain image of themselves. Ultimately, it does not exist a document-truth. Every document is a lie. (LE GOFF, 2003: 538) Although the header of the Cacique announce that the newspaper would not publish columns that discuss about the internal politics of the country it is possible to see on several numbers just the opposite. News of events at the Court were seen on the first page, as the dissolution of the ministry of July 16 in the edition of October 8, 1870, number 10 of the Cacique. On some occasions was treated about the public instruction, both locally as announcing dates for examinations and results of such examinations in Item 20 of the newspaper, as the events concerning public statement at the Court. It is evident in the discourse presented in the newspaper examined an attempt to control the process of language use, but as Elias explains, the civilizing process is not in the hands of one or a few individuals in a rational and planned way. Clear is that it happened, in general, without any planning. (Elias, 1993, p. 193). Because of this, many problems persisted in teaching and decreased quality and desired results of the students. Thus, we understand that psychological change that civilization 1 “This newspaper is published once a week on unspecified days in Typografia Comercial in 49, Livramento Street, corner of Carioca. We give free advertising for items that are related to the public good; we refuse, however, the articles that are inherent to internal politics of the country, and thosa that hurt individualities.” - Free translation by the author.


The issue of national language in Nossa Senhora do Desterro in the nineteenth century: the speeches of the newspaper O Cacique || Suzane Cardoso Gonçalves Madruga

implies is subject to a very specific order and direction, although they had not been planned by isolated individuals, or produced by ‘reasonable’ or intentional measures. Civilization is not ‘reasonable’ or ‘rational’, as it is not ‘irrational.’ It is set in motion blindly and kept in motion by the autonomous dynamics of a network of relationships, by specific changes in the way people see themselves obliged to live. (ELIAS, 1993: 195) The researches of Norbert Elias are not focused on school, but think the school as one of the agents of the civilizing process helps to understand this universe. Elias is considered a library researcher because he deals with various sources. He has versatility in methods, holding the most important theoretical enterprise, which is the society. He also seeks to build a kind of sociology in order to humanize relations and the construction of the civilization. His thesis in the Processo Civilizador brings instruments to think how works the life of individuals and the western society and, for that, he seeks for specific aspects that give clues of that constitution. He finds manuals of civility that regulates, in a certain way, people’s lives. With this, he notices in the manuals of civility the attempt to regulate people’s bodies, excrement, dirt and also things related to the instinctual aspects (sex, violence, etc.). His contribution beyond the issues proposed by Freud is that culture will transform this regulation in habitus. The civilizing process is a process of selfregulation. In the book A Sociedade dos Indivíduos, Elias shows that the object of sociology should be the relationship between individuals and society. Thus, it is not possible, to Elias, predict what will happen in the society, which civilization we will have. There is also the notion of network, each individual is born in a context. It is necessary to think the individual in relation to the social environment, the individual depends heavily on the context where it is located. The process of subjectivity of the individual is always social. Elias brings the weight of culture, cultural practices are subjectivized by the individual and appear in relations. According to that, we adopt the civilizing process of Elias in order to understand how the discourses of the newspaper O Cacique, despite an attempt at impartiality, is permeated by a regulatory project. In this study, we show only the issues related to the regulation of language use by the population of Desterro, however, we do not rule out other issues to be studied in another opportunity. In the number 12 of this journal it is possible to read the following excerpt: Instrucção publica – Na sessão de 10 do corrente da assembléia legislativa provincial do Rio de Janeiro, foi apresentado e julgado o objecto de deliberação um projecto relativo à instrucção publica d’aquela provincia, obrigando o pai, mãi, tutor ou protector à dar instrucção primaria aos meninos e meninas que tivessem em sua companhia, logo que aquelles sejão maiores de sete annos e menores de quatorze, e estas maiores de sete e menores de doze. Oxalá que semelhante ideia tenha echo no recinto da nossa illustrada assembléia e seja por ella realisada. Só assim não teremos mais o desprazer de ver publicamente enxovalhada a bella lingua de Camões n’essas legendas affixadas pelas esquinas, como – ALUGAM-SE CAVALO – que ha por ahi algures. (1870: 1)2

Although not openly, Cacique conveys to its readers specific wills and needs, and creates them for its readers. As Bastos says, one of the privileged devices to forge the subject/citizen is the press, carrier and producer of meanings. From the need to inform about facts, opinions and events, the 2 “Public instruction - In the session of the provincial legislature of Rio de Janeiro in the 10th day of the current month, was presented and judged the subject of a draft resolution concerning public instruction of that province, forcing the father, mother, guardian or protector to give primary instruction to boys and girls who had in his company as soon the boys are between seven and fourteen years old, and thegirls are between seven and twelve years old. We hope that similar idea has echo in the rooms of our brilliant Assembly. Only then we will not have the displeasure of seeing publicly destroyed the beautiful language of Camões in subtitles fixed at the corners like – ARE RENTED HORSE - which exists around.” - Free translation by the author.


The issue of national language in Nossa Senhora do Desterro in the nineteenth century: the speeches of the newspaper O Cacique || Suzane Cardoso Gonçalves Madruga

press seeks to engender a mindset - a way of seeing - for the addressee, constituting a readership. (BASTOS, 2002: 151-152) If addressing public education can be justified as public interest, there is also a concern on the part of the editor in defense of the national language. This defense is shown directly and indirectly at different times and numbers of Cacique, as the direct comment in the number 12 “Só assim não teremos mais o desprazer de ver publicamente enxovalhada a bella lingua de Camões n’essas legendas affixadas pelas esquinas, como – ALUGAM-SE CAVALOS – que ha por ahi algures.” or resulting from contacts made between the publisher and a reader who sent text for publication. The following excerpt directly exposes this case in the number 18 of the Cacique: Ortographia portugueza – De uma carta que o nosso amigo, o Sr. Eduardo Nunes Pires, vem de remetter-nos da cidade de Laguna, extraciamos o seguinte tópico, em que trata da nossa ortographia usual, para a leitura do qual enviamos os nossos leitores. ‘Ilm. Sr. - Tenho presente o seu estimavel favor de 3 do corrente, em que o meu amigo me falla dos erros que appareceram na minha poesia inserta em o n. 12 do Cacique, mas são erros de ortographia de todo o poncto desculpavel, porque muito differente é a ortographia etymologica de que uso bem ou mal, da chamada usual ou vulgar, que é um acervo de contradicções e barbaridades, de que, infelizmente para a língua portugueza, se-ser vem quasi todos, e sim porque os governos não tomaram ainda a deliberação de mandar que em todas as terras, onde se-falla tal e tão rica língua, se-adopte uma orthographia uniforme e baseada na logica. Assim o-inculca o Sr. Castilho José que é autoridade bastante. Com uma determinação d’essas as gerações por vir dos nossos neptos saberiam orthographia logicamente sem mais trabalho do que tivemos nos nossos paes e avós apprendendo o actual …, porque, si se-escreve junto, pranto, neto em logar de juncto, prancto, nepto (como deve ser), não é isso pela orthographia phonetica, segundo pretendem os seus apologistas e defensores, mas por uso e abuso, e tanto, que muitas vezes tenho visto os mesmos que erram ‘naquellas palavras escreverem tambem erradamente fucturo, debicto, addicção em logar de futuro, debito, addição, como é certo e logico e até conforme à phonia. Não quero com isto dizer que eu não erro no orthographar, o que seria desmarcada philaucia, porque me-falta o saber grego para obviar os erros que já deviam achar-se obviados nos diccionarios, mas tão contrarios e divergentes ostemos em tal materia, que, em vez de illustrarem e esclarecerem, atrapalham e confundem a quem consulta mais de um. Irei pois corrigindo progressivamente, segundo m’o-for insinuando a boa razão, os erros que ainda commetto, e já não corrijo muitos d’elles para me não tornar celebre, como me-disse uma occasião um nosso amigo, mestre meu em muitas coisinhas de litteratura, e digno de todos os respeitos pela sua illustração e bom engenho poetico. ‘Já hum insignificante trabalho meu publicado na Esperança ficaram dictas algumas palavras a este respeito, e lá copiei intão um sabio conselho de Philiato Elysio. Estes os motivos por que lhe-peço cuidado na revisão das provas dos meus escriptinhos que o meu amigo se-presta a inserir no Cacique, revisão essa que, bem sei, nunca poderá ser tão e minuciosa como a eu desejo, attendendo ás mais occupações suas e do nosso amigo F. (1870: 1)3 3 “Portuguese Orthography - From a letter of our friend Mr. Eduardo Nunes Pires, sent from the city of Laguna, we take the next topic, which is about our usual orthography. Mr. - I’m aware of your estimable favor in the 3rd day of this month, where you, my friend, speaks me about mistakes in my poetry inserted in the n . 12 of O Cacique, but those are just orthographic errors easily excusable, because the etymological orthography that use well or ill is very different of the usual or ordinary one, which is a collection of contradictions and atrocities, that, unfortunately for the portuguese language, serves almost everyone, but because governments have not taken the decision to send to every land where people use such a rich language, for the adoption of an uniform orthography based on logic. In this way Mr. José Castilho insists, which is enough authority. With such a determination, the generations to come would know orthography logically, with no more work than we had with our fathers and grandfathers learning the current... because it is written together, [some examples in Portuguese], this is not according to the phonetic orthography as it is claimed for their apologists and defenders, but by use and abuse, and so, I have often seen the same erring on those words also writing words wrong [some examples in Portuguese] as is right and logical and even according to the phonic rules. I do not want to say that I do not err in orthographing, which would be a clear lie because I lack


The issue of national language in Nossa Senhora do Desterro in the nineteenth century: the speeches of the newspaper O Cacique || Suzane Cardoso Gonçalves Madruga

In this letter is possible to see the conflict between two different conceptions of the Portuguese language: the usual and the prescribed. The editor takes the initiative to send a letter to the reader pointing him what he considered errors, thereby generating a response of that reader who, in turn, justified presenting his convictions. It is noteworthy that the newspaper published poetry posted by that reader at number 12, although the editor judged to be misspelled, and also published the letter – the reply of the same reader. The attitude of the editor can be seen as respect and opening to discussion about the national language, since the language is one of the most important elements for the formation of a national and sociocultural identity. The defense of the Brazilian language, an aspect of well-known literary romanticism, was something that had a broader scale, it is not only a struggle of writers like José de Alencar and Gonçalves Dias, but even before them and in a most widespread form, was something that was present for the builders of an independent Brazil. (LIMA, 2009: 469) It is known that the process of formation of social identity does not occur naturally, but in a balance of power between the representations imposed by those in power to classify, and the definition of acceptance or resistance that each community produces itself (Chartier, 1991, p. 183) in which the regionalisms and popular talk not only came into conflict but mingled with the standards required and desired by most conservative cultural circles. Prescriptive grammar exercises over individuals a kind of centralizing power that includes or removes them of a certain form of social insertion.” (LIMA, 2009: 484). One can understand from this that the language has nothing static, as prescribed by normative grammar, but the movement to introduce these marks of orality put itself both as resistance to this normativity as a way to defend their nationality. The relationship between literature and the formation of the national language leads us to two related phenomena. The first is the role of literature, as printed word, which circulates in the spread of the language and the construction of certain standardization of writing, even if that standardization in the nineteenth century was still on in terms of spelling. The second aspect [...] was the reflection of the writers and critics on the specificity of Brazilian language, as one of the expressions of literary Romanticism in Brazil. The phenomena are related - the writers wanted to be read and began to to listen to the common talk of the people, a figure of back-and-forth between the literary language and orality which began to be valued.” (LIMA, 2009: 486) It is noticed before such evidence, that the defense of the national language is a recurrent feature in the newspaper, even though that movement is not available directly or conclusively and consensual manner. Conclusion After analyzing the newspaper O Cacique, we noticed a tension between the linguistic pattern used and defended by the editor and the quick language of poetry and variety columns. The newspaper expressed concern about an entire maintenance of the language and what is considered “good use” of that language, both for the care of the spelling of the newspaper, or by columns dedicated to public education whenever possible, paying attention to the spelling patterns and existing grammar. In this sense, the reasons for the use of language are configured according to current Portuguese the knowledge of Greek to remedy the mistakes that were already found in dictionaries, but instead of illustrate and clarify, disrupt and confuse whom consult more than one. I will therefore progressively correcting according to my good reason, the errors I still make, and I will not correct many of them in order to not become famous, as one of our friend said me in one occasion, my master in many little things of literature, and worthy of all respect and good illustration and poetic talent. I had an insignificant work published in Esperança were spoken a few words in this regard, and there I copied a wise phrase of Philiato Elysio.These are the reasons I will ask you a careful review of my little writings to be inserted in the Cacique, this review that I know, will never be as exact as I wish, according to your and our friend F.’s works.” - Free translation by the author.


The issue of national language in Nossa Senhora do Desterro in the nineteenth century: the speeches of the newspaper O Cacique || Suzane Cardoso Gonçalves Madruga

grammar in the period. Moreover, the editor and publisher of the newspaper believes a disrespect to this same language, demonstrated by its use considered inappropriate, thus showing a small part of a larger network of discussions. The national language became the focus of political clashes after independence and gained more space in public and journalistic debates after the departure of the Emperor D. Pedro I of Brazil. A clash between pro-Portugal and anti-Portugal groups was formed, one of the points of discussion the use of language, which, for the anti-Portugal group should be according to the linguistic features of Brazil, not Portugal. Likewise the editor and publisher is concerned with exposing the justification of the poet, though he may not agree with him, in defending his spelling governed by usage. This tension appears as a process of building the national language, patchwork of rules and usages, grammar and regionalisms, scholarly and popular voices, which distanced itself from European Portuguese and configuring the so-called Brazilian Portuguese today.

Bibliographical References Bastos, M. (2002). “Espelho de papel: a imprensa e a história da educação”, in Araújo, J. & Gatti Jr., D. (Org.). Novos tempos em história da educação brasileira: instituições escolares e educação na imprensa. Campinas – SP: Autores Associados; Uberlândia – MG. Chartier, R. (1991). “O mundo como representação”, in Revista de Estudos avançados. [Url: m=iso, accessed on 22/03/2012]. Corrêa, C. (1997). História da cultura catarinense. Florianópolis: Ed. Da UFSC. Elias, N. (1994). A sociedade dos indivíduos. Rio de Janeiro: Zahar. ______. (1993). O Processo Civilizador: Formação do Estado e Civilização. Rio de Janeiro: Zahar. Le Goff, J. (2003). “Documento/Monumento”, in Le Goff, J. (2003). História e Memória. Campinas: Editora da UNICAMP. Lima, I. (2009). “A língua nacional no império do Brasil”, in Grinberg, K. & Salles, R., O Brasil Imperial, volume II: 1831-1870. Rio de Janeiro: Civilização Brasileira. ― (1870). O Cacique. nº 10/12/18/20. Biblioteca Pública do Estado de Santa Catarina.



The decolonisation of imaginaries in literature 1

Abstract: This paper was carried out to present the different versions – an oral and a written one, a historical and a fictional – in the course followed by Ngungunhane, the last emperor of Gaza, region located in Southern Mozambique, according to the tenor of the novel Ualalapi, by Ungulani Ba Ka Khosa. In that polyphonic work, which will be studied from “historiographical metafiction” concept (Linda Hutcheon), the author challenges the alleged truth of the hegemonic European narratives, by building up the different images of the Nguni king, according to the Mozambican oral culture and cosmovision. Keywords: Mozambican literature; Ungulani Ba Ka Khosa; Ualalapi; oral tradition; writing.

From speech to writing: Mozambican history and memory in Ualalapi (1987) by Ungulani Ba Ka Khosa1 Denise Rocha2

Introduction Around the bonfire, at night, the tradition of African narrators (griots) an elderly man tells the story of Ngungunhane (c. 18501906), the last emperor of Gaza, Southern Mozambique, since the bloody usurpation of the fatherly throne, going through episodes of physical and psychological violence up to his imprisonment and embarkation on a Portuguese ship, toward perpetual exile overseas. Such images of ascension and fall of the Nguni king (Anguni) or Vátua, who had governed Gaza for eleven years (18841895) and died in diaspora, in the Terceira island of the Azores, make up the post-modern historical novel Ualalapi (1987), by Ungulani Ba Ka Khosa, built up according to controversial oral and written sources. An attentive listener, a guest in the Mozambican village, writes down notes of the oral memories evoked by the elder as a sign of the new time: the one of the endurance of writing in Portuguese which became another kind of communication vector provided by the settler. The cultural sound, which overcomes and resounds through time, takes on another life in Ualalapi, in the double dimension of the polyphonic text: in the external printed characters (the commercialized narrative by Khosa) and the internal manual (the fictional journal of the heir prince Manua and the one by the Arab, Kamal Samade, as well as the text by the author-narrator who was in the village to listen to and to write down the narrative created by the elderly griot ). From a speech bequeathed to posterity to the words written by the young writer, who acts as a kind of alter-ego of Ungulani Ba Ka Khosa, a pen name used by Francisco Esau Cossa (1957-), in Ualalapi several testimonies are collected: the verbal ones, told by Somapunga, Malule, and Ciliane, old members of Ngunguhane’s


Universidade da Integração Internacional da Lusofonia AfroBrasileira- UNILAB, Redenção-CE – Brazil

1 This paper was published with the support of a lecturer scholarship assigned by the Doctoral Program in Cultural Studies. 2 Professor at Instituto de Humanidades e Letras da UNILAB. Graduated in Foreign Languages & Literatures and Ph.D. in Literature and Social Life at Universidade Estadual Paulista, Assis Campus, Bachelor of History and degree in Magister Artium, got at Ruprecht-Karls Universität Heildelberg, Germany. [email protected]

From speech to writing: Mozambican history and memory in Ualalapi (1987) by Ungulani Ba Ka Khosa || Denise Rocha

court, and the written ones, produced by civil and military officers of the Portuguese government and by a Swiss physician, historical characters, mixed with biblical excerpts and sayings about the last Gaza emperor. Echoes from the late 19th century, a period of conflicts between Great Britain and Portugal, arisen from the dispute over the actual possession of Southern Mozambique (1895), possessed by Ngungunhane, come back at the end of the 20th century narrated by the Mozambican Ungulani Ba Ka Khosa, published in 1987, which may be classified as a “historiographical metafiction” (Linda Hutcheon). 1. Historiographical metafiction (Linda Hutcheon) In the work Poética do pós-modernismo: história, teoria e ficção, the Canadian Linda Hutcheon questions the traditional view of history which justifies the great narrative of positivist character by an only subject; she defines the current novel as “historiographical metafiction” and explains it: Com esse termo, refiro-me àqueles romances (...) que, ao mesmo tempo, são intensamente autoreflexivos e mesmo assim, de maneira paradoxal, também se apropriam de acontecimentos e personagens históricos. (...) sua autoconsciência teórica sobre a história e a ficção como criações humanas (metaficção historiográfica) passa a ser a base para seu repensar e sua reelaboração das formas do passado (HUTCHEON, 1991, p.21 e 22).

For Hutcheon, the historiographical metafiction retakes the text with historical essence which is going to be used as literary artifact, permeated with various perspectives. The historical fact may be told by distinct voices in a decentralization process. That is, the main characters are “ex-centric”, not in the center of power and narrate other view of history, distinct from the historical view taken by winners/settlers. In Ualalapi (1987), by Ungulani Ba Ka Khosa, the protagonist Ngungunhane’s power is a peripheral issue to the hegemonic European network, reinforced with the conclusion drawn at the formulated at the end of the Berlin Conference (1885). 2. Mozambique at the end of the 20th century: plaything between the English and the Portuguese and the war against Ngungunhane The Kingdom of Gaza, which comprised Southern and Central Mozambique and part of Rhodesia (BRETES, 1989, p.76), was an object of covet by Great Britain due to the discovery of diamonds (1866), in Kimberley, in the Boer Republic of Transvaal (South African Union). To promote the English trade they built the railway Transvaal-Lourenço Marques, whose port was the main way out of the area. Besides, the British Crown aimed at uniting Cairo, in Egypt, to the Cape Colony, in South Africa, by occupying Mozambique (CABAÇO, 2009, p.62) The African mineral wealth was an object of covet by the European nations, since some regions were effectively occupied by countries which justified their colonial possessions. To prevent major disputes they organized the Berlin Conference (1884-1885) and the final solution was the partition of great part of Africa. Portugal and France claimed their rights to the Atlantic and Indic coasts. (BRUNSCHWEIG, 2006, p.43). In the Mozambican coast the Portuguese Jesuits had lived since the end of the 16th century.


From speech to writing: Mozambican history and memory in Ualalapi (1987) by Ungulani Ba Ka Khosa || Denise Rocha

In 1884, Mudungazi, who belonged to the Nguni ethnical group,1 orders the killing of his eldestborn brother, Mefaname, in order to become king. On that occasion, he named himself Ngungunhane, [In the novel Ualalapi , that episode is narrated in Fragmentos do fim (1): Ualalapi, the first chronological narrative of the ascension and fall of the Gaza emperor]. In 1885, Ngungunhane sent a private message to Lisbon, in order to reassert his vassalage to the Portuguese crown, a decision which was later disclaimed. In 1887, D. Luis, the Portuguese king, makes a deal with Germany in order to divide Austral Africa: Portugal keeps the Rose Coloured Map aiming at uniting Angola to Mozambique. It was a decisive measure for the Portuguese crown in the process to effectively occupy the Mozambican territory coveted by Great Britain. The already mentioned British interest in Mozambique in the 1860s, passed beyond the economical aspect, attaining a geostrategic feature: the government demanded the retreat of the Portuguese troops which followed along the Chire river toward the Niassa lake, where various Scottish missions were already settled. Portugal received an Ultimatum (1890) and had the territory evacuated. (SANTOS, 207, p.163 and 168). Over the same year, The British South African Company (BSAC), owned by Cecil Rhodes, started an expansion project, and Ngungunhane granted that company a mining concession and access to the sea, in exchange for the payment of an annual tax, 1000 shotguns and 20000 cartridges. (SANTOS, 2007,p170). The independent attitude shown by the Gaza king, who was considered by Portugal as its vassal, provoked the royal anger and measures were taken to fight him militarily. In 1895, the Portuguese army pillaged and set fire to Mandlakasi, the capital of the empire of Ngungunhane who was imprisoned by Mouzinho de Albuquerque (CABAÇO, 2009, p.64) in Chaimito, the holy village, where Manukuse, the king’s grandfather, was buried. In the morning of December 28, on foot, escorted by the Portuguese forces, the ousted king, with his seven wives, Godide, his heir, Molungo, the royal uncle, Matibejana, the kinglet Zixaxa, and his three concubines, they arrive at the Limpopo river, follow to Lourenço Marques, where they board on the ship “Africa” (December 29), before thousands of people who acclaimed the king of Portugal. [Such a scene is dramatically set in Ualalapi in Fragmentos do fim (6): O último discurso de Ngungunhane]. On March 23, they arrive in Lisbon and parade in an open car as prisoners of war. The women were sent into exiled to São Tomé. On June 27, 1896, Ngungunhane and the members of his entourage follow to the Terceira island of Azores, land on Angra do Heroísmo, where they were baptized and taught to read and write. Their captor, Mouzinho de Albuquerque, suicides in Lisbon, on January 8, 1902. The exiled king dies on December 23, 1906 (VILHENA, 1995, p.259). Symbolically speaking, Ngungunhane’s mortal remains, put into Mozambican carved wooden urn, were handed to the government of the Popular Republic of Mozambique, in Maputo, on June 15, 1895, a strategy designed to create a national identity, in a process encouraged by the government of Samora Machel of FRELIMO (Frente de Libertação de Moçambique). (RIBEIRO, 2005, p.269). In opposition to the myth created by Machel’s government - the one of the native Mozambican who had offered resistance against the Portuguese settler -, Ungulani Ba Ka Khosa writes Ualalapi (1978), in which he deconstructs the myth of Ngungunhane, descendant of the Zulu branch which 1 Around 1520, the Nguni people, a branch of the Zulu ethnic group, penetrate into Southern Mozambique and settle che Chopes, the Tsongas, the Vandaus and the Bitongas. Sochangane, later called Manukuse, becomes the first Gaza king and dies around 1858. One of his sons, Mawewe, usurps the power which is recovered by the lawful heir, Muzila, Mudunggazi’s father (Ngungunhane), born in 1850. He also recovers the throne fiercely.(PÉLISSIER, 2000, p. 119-128).


From speech to writing: Mozambican history and memory in Ualalapi (1987) by Ungulani Ba Ka Khosa || Denise Rocha

invaded Southern Mozambique, subduing some of its native people. Ungulani Ba Ka Khosa includes in the novel excerpts of historical documents. At the beginning letter excerpts are mentioned written by a Portuguese and a Swiss who presented dialectical versions about Ngungunhane: Ayres d’Ornellas (1866-1930) had spent much time at the Gaza court, and George Liengme (1859-1930), physician and Protestant missionary who, from 1892 to 1895, had lived in Ngungunhane’s village and spoke the Nguni language. The passages referring to the views held by the Portuguese military officer and politician and the ones by the Swiss physician are presented in Ualalapi in the following continuous ordering: “Entre estes vinha o Ngungunhane que conheci logo, apesar de nunca lhe ter visto retrato algum; era evidentemente o chefe duma grande raça... É um homem alto ... e sem ter as magníficas feições que tenho notado em tantos seus, tem-nas, sem dúvidas, belas, testa ampla, olhos castanhos e inteligentes e um certo ar de grandeza e superioridade... “Ayres d´ Ornellas. “Era um ébrio inveterado. Após qualquer das numerosas orgias a que se entregava, era medonho de ver com os olhos vermelhos, a face tumecfata, a expressão bestial que se tornava diabólica, horrenda, quando nesses momentos se encolerizava”. Dr. Liengme. “Só direi que admirei o homem, discutindo durante tanto tempo com uma argumentação lúcida e lógica”. Ayres d´Ornellas. “... mas toda a sua política era de tal modo falsa, absurda, cheia de duplicidade, que se tornava difícil conhecer os seus verdadeiros sentimentos”. Dr. Liengme. (KHOSA, 2013, p. 11).

Author of Cartas d’Africa. Campanhas do Gungunhana. 1895 e Cartas d´África e das Raças e línguas indígenas em Moçambique, Ayres d’Ornellas Vasconcellos had bequeathed posterity positive images about Ngungunhane which are borrowed by Ungulani, in opposition to the negative observations made by Dr. George Liengme who in his work, Un Potentat Africain - Goungounyane et son règne (1901), had described the king’s profile and several features of the Ngunis’ culture. (VILHENA, on-line). Ualalapi is divided into six parts called Fragmentos do fim: letter written by Ayres d’Ornellas about the splendid war hymn of the king’s army, Fragmentos do fim (1); Report made by Colonel Galhardo about the army march and the attack against Manjacase, kingdom capital, Fragmentos do fim (3): Report made by the military governor of Gaza, Joaquim Mouzinho de Albuquerque for the provisional governor of the Mozambique province on the imprisonment of Ngungunhane and other kinglets (1896), Fragmentos do fim (4) and Words of praise made by Counselor Correia, provisional governor of Mozambique, while receiving the prisoners of war straight from Mouzinho de Albuquerque, Fragmentos do fim (5). In the part Fragmentos do fim (4) the report made by the Gaza military governor, Joaquim Mouzinho D’Albuquerque was included, focusing on the king’s prison (1895), in which the image of the defeated enemy is built up, sitting on the ground, symbol of the ruined empire: Quando vi sair de lá o Régulo Vatua que os tenentes Miranda e Couto reconheceram logo por o terem visto mais de uma vez em Manjacase. Não se pode fazer ideia da arrogância com que respondeu às primeiras perguntas que lhe fiz. Mandei-lhe prender as mãos atrás das costas por um dos dois soldados pretos e disse-lhes que se sentasse. Perguntou-me onde, e como eu lhe apontasse para o chão, respondeu-me muito ativo que estava sujo. Obriguei-o, então, à força a sentar-se no chão (coisa que ele nunca fazia), dizendo-lhe que ele já não era Régulo dos Mangonis, mas um matonga como qualquer outro. (ALBUQUERQUE apud KHOSA, 2013, p. 70).


From speech to writing: Mozambican history and memory in Ualalapi (1987) by Ungulani Ba Ka Khosa || Denise Rocha

The issue concerning the truth (?) of the historical facts is commented by the Portuguese Augustina Bessa Luis the following way: “A História é uma ficção controlada”. (LUIS apud KHOSA, 2013, p.12). Such a comment becomes the epigraph of Ualalapi. 3. Sound and printed words in Ualalapi, by Ungulani Ba Ka Khosa2 The facts concerning the ascension and fall of Ngungunhane (c. 1850-1906), historical character, provided the background to the novel Ualalapi (1987), which has the following structure: Nota do autor, six Fragmentos do fim which are inserted, in chronological order, between episodes concerning Ngungunhane’s life: Ualalpi, A morte de Mputa, Damboia, O cerco ou fragmentos de um cerco, O diário de Manua, and O ultimo discurso de Ngungunhane.3 Into that imbrication of historical and fictional episodes supernatural moments are inserted according to the Mozambican religious cosmogony of Nguni source. 3.1. The tradition of the oral narrative In the paper Literatura moçambicana: Herança e Reformulação, Ana Mafalda Leite finds out that it is “uma constante nas narrativas pós coloniais, que partilham a autobiografia, a narrativa mítica, e utilizam recursos a procedimentos e formas orais”. According to that author, in Africa the tradition of the art of narrating is preserved in the hinterland culture who adds: “Conversar não é apenas trocar idéias, antes contar histórias que exemplificam as ideias”. She remarks: “Estes novos narradores, repõem na escrita a arte griótica, o maravilhoso do era 2 Ungulani Ba ka Khosa is the Tsonga name of Francisco Esaú Cossa (1957), founder of the magazine Charrua and author of several fiction works, in which he uses standard Portuguese and incorporates some idiomatic expressions, popular sayings and proverbs typical of Mozambique. Published in 1987, Ualalapi granted the author the great award of Mozambican fiction in 1990. Other publications followed: Os sobreviventes da noite (2005), Choriro (2009), Orgia dos loucos (1990), Histórias de amor e espanto (1999) e No reino dos abutres (2002). 3 The narrative begins with Ualalapi, the episode of the homonymous officer, high member of the imperial army who, by orders of prince Mudunganzi, murders the legitimate heir of the Nguni, Mefamane. Under the influence of his aunt Damboia, the king, selfnamed Ngungunhane, starts a kingdom of terror in the subjugated villages, while the Portuguese besieged the Gaza lands with military expeditions. In A morte de Mputa, name of another member of the king’s guard, Ngungunhane proves to be a sadistic tyrant when he ordered the execution of his loyal warrior (Mputa), due to intrigues carried on by his first wife who had accused Mputa of sexual harassment. In fact, the queen had been rejected by him and was driven by a desire for personal revenge. Six years later, Domia, Mputa’s daughter, entered the royal house planning to kill Ngungunhane who rapes her, on pure lust, since his thirty wives had been menstruating ceaselessly for four weeks. The girl tried to kill the king with a knife and he kept in secret a scar on his right thigh. Caught by surprise by the girl’s boldness, he mercilessly orders her execution. In the episode Damboia, focusing on the king’s aunt, moments of the life of the woman who had voracious sexual appetite and ordered the death of the men who did not go to bed with her. Her last victim, foretold a terrible end for the devourer of men who started to menstruate ceaselessly, to the point that the nephew-king ordered the cancellation of the Nkuaia celebration, an annual and sacred ritual which was closed with the slaughtering of cattle and of a young couple meant for reviving the empire. Strange events frightened the vassals: a yellow and sticky rain, and the sudden appearance of corpses without face and name, the flow of Damboia’s blood dyeing the river and killing fish, and so on. Before such supernatural facts, Ngungunhane proved to be a vulnerable and violent man: on the one hand, he acted as a skinny sleepwalker and, on the other hand, he ordered his commander to scatter pain and death while attacking the chopes. In O cerco ou fragmentos de um cerco, by the king’s order, Maguiguane, the military chief, approaches to a Chope village, besieges the fortified inhabitants and let them die from inanition, while they prepare the final attack which dyed the ground with blood. Such a kind of battle, typical of the European model, was known by the tradition of putting warriors face to face, in male combats fought in open areas. Ngungunhane exults at the boundless bloodshed. In the episode O diário de Manua, one features the misfortunes of the heir prince, who studied at the lyceum and returns to Lourenço Marques, in a trip by ship in which supernatural events take place, due to the fact that he had eaten fish, a food forbidden for human consumption by his ethnic group. Totally acculturated, he starts writing his ponderings on the tyrannical government of this father and asserts that he would adopt the customs and practices followed by white men as soon as he ascended the throne. In O ultimo discurso de Ngungunhane, the imprisoned emperor, on board of the ship which will take him to exile, addresses himself to his vassals and warns them about the disastrous future with the Portuguese.


From speech to writing: Mozambican history and memory in Ualalapi (1987) by Ungulani Ba Ka Khosa || Denise Rocha

uma vez e, refrânica e encantatoriamente, vêm contar a forma como se conta, na sua terra, encenando as estratégias narrativas, em simultâneo à narração”. (LEITE, 2003, p.89 and 92). In Ualalapi, the everyday histories/stories of Ngungunhane within his court and in the subjugated villages, told in the light of night flames, result in a traditional cultural dynamics of oral source: the grandfather Somapunga (fictional), contemporary with the emperor, starts the narrative which passes through generations: that of this son and that of his grandson who told it to a writer, expert in Portuguese, the settlers’ language and writing system. When he was a child, the griot had listened to the versions told by both his grandfather and his father, and had noticed that they presented some slight variations. He realizes that there is not only one truth and version of facts, such as in the case of Damboia, Ngungunhane’s aunt, considered to be a nymphomaniac who had received an exemplary punishment for chastising the men who had rejected her: an uncontrollable gynecological bleeding. The griot had explained to the listener that: A pior coisa que aconteceu durante aqueles meses foram as palavras, homem! Eles cresciam de minuto a minuto e entravam em todas as casas, escancarando portas e paredes, e mudavam de tom consoante a pessoa que encontravam. A violência que Ngungunhane utilizou para sustá-las não surtiu efeito. Elas percorriam as distâncias à velocidade do vento. E tudo por causa dessas tinlhoco – nomeação em tsonga dos servos – que saíam da casa de Damboia com os sacos cheios de palavras que as lançavam ao vento. (KHOSA, 2013, p. 59).

The elderly narrator had explained that words – gossips – take on a frightening dynamics, and that one of his informers, the watchman Malule, who had carried out the wishes of Damboia, had tried to tell another version about the royal princess’ behavior: [...] – Não ligues. São palavras do vulgo. Não tem fundamento. Damboia teve a vida mais sã que eu conheci. -Para onde vai o fumo, vai fogo, Malule. -Nunca hás de encontrar água raspando uma pedra. Deixa-me falar. Eu conheço a verdade. Vivi na corte... -Mas qual é o homen que não tem ranho no nariz, Malule? Se Damboia teve erros não foram de grande monta. Ela meteu-se com homens como qualquer mulher. E nisso não devemos nos meter. O tecto da casa conhece o seu dono. -Mas o caracol deixa baba por onde passa. -É tudo mentira o que ouviste por aí. Dá boca dessa gente, só saem chifres de caracol. Inventam histórias, fazem correr palavras, dormem com elas, defecam-nas em todo o lado. É tudo mentira. Eu vivi na corte... -Mesmo que caminhes numa baixa, a corcunda há de ver-se Malule. (KHOSA, 2013, p. 60).

In the village, the writer had listened not only to the griot’s version, but also to the ones told by Malule and Ciliane, who were also elderly. The old servant had explained that in the very day of her death, Damboia found inner peace after suffering with the bleeding witnessed by everybody. 3.2. The heir prince’s writing In the native Mozambican unwritten cultures, during Ngungunhane’s rule, from 1884 to 1895, the settlers were already there with their language in its oral, written, and printed varieties. In Ualalapi, Manua, Ngungunhane‘s son wrote, according to the novel, his personal impressions


From speech to writing: Mozambican history and memory in Ualalapi (1987) by Ungulani Ba Ka Khosa || Denise Rocha

on his father and his original culture from 1892 to 1895: The young man was an acculturated who had refused to accept his tradition after attending school at the lyceum of arts and crafts, in the Island of Mozambique. Among the rubbles of the old Gaza capital Manua’s journal was found, the one begun in 1892, when he returned to his family after completing his studies. While he was eating fish, a food forbidden by his ethnical group, he suffered a strange reaction, throwing up huge quantities of vomit which flowed on the ship floor. Puzzled about the manifestation of a tribal belief, he started writing a very personal text in which he criticized his father for being ignorant and a sorcerer and made comments about the ship commander who knew nothing about the Nguni cosmogony: Se compreendesse alguma coisa talvez entendesse o fato de eu ter sido dos poucos na minha tribo que teve acesso ao mundo dos brancos, à sua língua, aos seus costumes e à sua ciência. Mas ele não pode entender o mundo negro, os nossos costumes bárbaros, a inveja que norteia a nossa vida e as intrigas que nos matam diariamente. (KHOSA, 1987, p. 94).

The introduction of reading and writing into Ngungunhane’s family had brought about great transformations in the background and identity of Manua who foresaw: Quando eu for imperador eliminarei estas práticas adversas ao Senhor, pai dos céus e da Terra. Serei dos primeiros, nestas terras africanas, a aceitar e assumir os costumes nobres dos brancos, homens que estimo desde o primeiro dia que tive acesso ao seu civismo são. (KHOSA, p. 94). Maladjusted within in the royal court, the young man fell into ruin due to drinking. A foreigner, Kamal Samade (fictional), had also bequeathed in Arabic his views written on the decay of the heir prince, who died in 1895, when his father was sent to prison and the Ngunis’ (Vátuas) empire collapsed. In Fragmentos do fim (6): the last speech made by Ngungunhane, the king, prisoner of the Portuguese, on board of the ship, foretold many prophecies, among them he brought into relief the disastrous power of paper and the oblivion of native names: Chamarão pessoa por pessoa, registando-vos em papéis que enlouqueceram Manua e vos aprisionarão. Os nomes que vêm dos antepassados esquecidos morrerão por todo o sempre, porque dar-vos-ão os nomes que bem lhes aprouver, chamando-vos de merda e vocês agradecendo. (KHOSA, 1987, p. 115).

At the end of the narrative about Ngungunhane’s saga, the griot tells the writer visitor to the Mozambican village, that he was still a child when he listened to his grandfather, Somapunga, telling stories about the king. He shared the conviction of his mission to spread out the oral version: Morreu a dormir, sonhando alto. De manhã, ao entrar na sua cubata, vi-o deitado ao comprido, olhando o tecto. Falava. A voz tocava-me profundamente. Durante horas seguidas ouvi-o falar. Quis acordá-lo, pois já era tarde. Ao tocá-lo notei que o corpo estava frio. Há muito que tinha morrido. Tiveram que o enterrar imediatamente para que os vizinhos não nos chamassem feiticeiros. E o nosso espanto foi ouvir a voz saindo de escarpas abissais. O meu pai teve que sentar-se sobre a sepultura e acompanhar, movimentando a boca, a voz do defunto. Os vizinhos e outros familiares distantes sentiram pena do meu pai, pois pensaram que estivesse louco. Noite e dia, durante uma semana e meia, o meu pai abria e fechava a boca. (KHOSA, 2013, p. 114).

The narrative of Ngungunhane’s course told to a writer, who intended to find out the veracities of the traditional oral versions, raised doubts in his own mind: Afastei-me da cabana que me estava reservada e virei o rosto em direcção à fogueira. Entre duas mangueiras enormes, o velho, com a cabeça entre as mãos, não via o fogo e a noite. Chorava. E eu afastava-


From speech to writing: Mozambican history and memory in Ualalapi (1987) by Ungulani Ba Ka Khosa || Denise Rocha

me da cubata, do meu quarto, e atirava-me à noite de luar. Algo me intrigava no discurso do velho e de Ngungunhane. (KHOSA, 1987, p.125)

Conclusion The novel Ualalapi (1987), by Ungulani Ba Ka Khosa, deconstructed the myth of the Nguni emperor, who belonged to the Zulu ethnical group, which had invaded Southern Mozambique, and oppressed its native peoples. The narrative may be viewed as an acid literary answer of the writer to a political process carried out by Samora Machel who had engaged himself in the repatriation of Ngungugnhane’s mortal remains (1985), adopting him as a symbol of the warrior against the military power of the Portuguese invader. In her work A literatura africana e a crítica pós-colonial. Reconversões, Inocência Mata writes that: “O que importa…que participam do mesmo espaço interno”. (MATA, 2007, p.40). Following the same trend shared by that author, Ungulani Ba Ka Khosa developed Ualalapi, in which he deals with asymmetrical relationships between the Portuguese and Ngungunhane and between the latter and his Chope vassals, among other subjugated people, in a period in which Southern Mozambique was object of covet by British. The violent saga of the last Gaza emperor was narrated from two perspectives: on the one hand, by an African griot permeated by voices of the characters which he knew personally and who gave his testimony to the writer, who by his turn passed by collecting information about the eleven years of the royal journey. And on the other hand, the historical reports produced by Europeans starting with the testimonies of two Ngugngunhane’s contemporaries - Ayres d’Ornellas and Dr. Liengme – who had opposite views about the royal personality and were followed by reports made by Portuguese military officers involved in those combats: Colonel Galhardo (siege to the capital and the royal retreat), Mouzinho de Albuquerque (Ngungunhane’s imprisonment) and Counselor Correia (the reception given to those prisoners of war). Galhardo plays a role, as a character, in a short episode in which he orders the destruction of the capital of Gaza, in which surroundings laid out a great number of corpses. One notices that his horse trampled upon the living body of a native, to whom he asks about the king’s whereabouts. (Fragmentos do fim (2). After describing the cold and scheming colonel, the author includes an official document written by Galhardo and subverts it with unpleasant disclosures about: -O facto de ter profanado com um ímpio o lhambelo, urinando com algum esforço sobre o estrado onde o Ngungunhane se dirigia na época dos rituais (...). -O roubo de cinco peles de leão que ostentou na metrópole, como resultado duma caçada perigosa em terras africanas. -O facto de ter, pessoalmente, esventrado cinco negros com o intuito de se certificar da dimensão do coração dos pretos. (KHOSA, 1987, p. 51 e 52).

The hegemonic narratives, reflections of the power of institutions which justified the national identifying discourses of European source, are challenged by Ungulani Ba ka Khosa in Ualalapi, who evokes the oral tradition to compose the king’s image in literary reflections on moments which were decisive to colonial and post-colonial histories and memories of Mozambique, run by the Portuguese up to 1975. In his novel, Khosa picked out Ngungunhane, an ”ex-centric” protagonist (“historiographical metafiction”, by Hutcheon) contrary to the expectations: a powerful kinglet in Southern Mozambique, an area located on the fringes of the center of the European hegemonic power, and ironically subverts


From speech to writing: Mozambican history and memory in Ualalapi (1987) by Ungulani Ba Ka Khosa || Denise Rocha

it, disclosing his oppressing profile as a Nguni invader. The writer manages to decolonize the hegemonic thought of the historical documents inserted into the novel, allowing the various narrators of the royal saga to tell their versions of Ngungunhane’s history, who managed to be right only when he foresaw the final apocalyptic prophecy: the Portuguese colonization would be worse than his.

Bibliographical References AIRES D´ORNELLAS. [Url: accessed in 10 October 2013]. Bretes, M. G. (1989). “Arqueologia de um mito: A derrota de Gungunhana e a sua chegada a Lisboa” in Penélope: Fazer e desfazer a História, n. 2, p. 76- 95, fev. Brunschwig, H. (2006, [2a. Edição]). A Partilha da África Negra. Tran. de Joel J. da Silva. São Paulo: Perspectiva. (Coleção Khronos, 6). Cabaço, J. L. (2009). Moçambique: Identidade, colonialismo e libertação. São Paulo: Editora UNESP. Hutcheon, L. (1991). Poéticas do pós-modernismo: História, teoria, ficção. Tran. de Ricardo Cruz. Rio de Janeiro: Imago. Khosa, U. B. K. (2013). Ualalapi. Belo Horizonte: Nandyala. Ki-zerbo, J. (2009, 4. ed., v. 1). História da África Negra. Tran. de Américo de Carvalho. Mem Martins: Publicações Europa-América. Leite, A. M. (1998). Oralidades & Escritas nas Literaturas Africanas. Lisboa: Colibri. __________. Literatura moçambicana: Herança e Reformulação. [Url: http://www., accessed in 10 May 2010]. Mata, I. (2007). A literatura africana e a crítica pós-colonial –Reconversões. Luanda: Editora Nzila. (Coleção Ensaio-37). Pélissier, R. (2000, [3a edição, v. 1]). História de Moçambique: Formação e oposição 1854-1918. Trad. de Manuel Ruas. Lisboa: Estampa. Ribeiro, F. L. “A invenção dos heróis: Nação, história e discursos de identidade em Moçambique”. [Url:, accessed in 10 October 2013]. Santos, G. A. (2007). Reino de Gaza: O desafio português na ocupação do sul de Moçambique (1821-1897). Dissertação para obtenção do título de mestre em História. Faculdade de Filosofia, Letras e Ciências Humanas da Universidade de São Paulo. Vilhena, M. C. “Gungunhana em seu reino”. [Url: introducao.html, accessed in 10 October 2013]. _________________.(1995). “Quatro prisioneiros africanos nos Açores” in ARQUIPÉLAGO, História, 2ª série, v. 1, nº 2, pp. 259-279.


Abstract: This paper proposes to question and discuss the manifestations of religion and religiosity in post-colonial African literature, both in the context of the colonizer as the colonized, through its own aesthetic, showing ambivalence, symbolic struggles and political thought in the [post] colonial world. Thus, this text is constructed from the Marxist idea of class struggle, taken, however, to the sacred spheres, which the religiosity described in the African text isn’t privileged about a purely theological point of view, but addressing the religious apparatus and its phenomenology as a literary strategy of creation or an aesthetic strategy of postcolonialism that sees in the discourse the inherent political struggle of the colonial place.

Postcolonialism and religiosity in African literatures Silvio Ruiz Paradiso1 Universidade Estadual de Londrina; Unicesumar, Brazil

Keywords: post-colonialism; religion and religiosity; African Literatures; Cultural Studies. 1. A political and religious problematic From the first impression, Karl Heinrich Marx`s quote “Religion is the opium of the people” bothered me. Despite the fact that the idea of the quote is present in texts preceding his Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right - Zur Kritik der Hegelschen Rechtsphilosophie (1844), it became disseminated after this publishing. However, Feuerbach, Bauer and Kant had previously sketched this quote, in similar contexts, relating religion, State and Politics. Marx as well as Engels considered religion as a forefront of alienation and negative service to the class struggle. The conception of opium in the context of this quote was related to the evil torpor of religion, as the “illusory happiness of men”, thus hindering humankind from seeing their true condition, in a way to “think and act and shape his reality like a man who has been disillusioned and has come to reason, so that he will revolve round himself” (2010:146). Marx was not that wrong. Especially when he mentioned Religion as a synonym for the monotheist creeds as institutions like Judaism, Islam and especially Christianity. However, only one side of this drug addiction is observed in a way to unmask human self-alienation in its sacred forms. Marx spoke of the use of Religion by the oppressor in a way to subdue and cover the miseries caused by themselves, but, at the same time, he forgot that the oppressed can also make use of the same Religion in a way to pay back the oppressor and bring forth his 1844 thought: “Religious misery is, at one and the same time, the expression of real misery and a protest against real misery. Religion is the sigh of the oppressed creature, the heart of a heartless world, and the soul of soulless conditions.” (2010:145. My italics).


1 Phd in Literary Studies by Universidade Estadual de Londrina (Brazil). Professor of Foreign Literatures in Unicesumar (Brazil). Member of AFROLIC, Associação Internacional de Estudos de Cultura e Literatura Africana. E-mail: [email protected]

Postcolonialism and religiosity in African literatures || Silvio Ruiz Paradiso

The use of the terms “at one and same time”1 , reinstates that there are two approaches to the problem. In this sense, ‘religion is the opium of the people’ recovers the value attributed by Heinrich Heine (1797-1856), in his text about Ludwig Börne, in 1840, in which he refers to the Narcotic role of religion in a very positive way: “Religion mixes sweet tranquilizing drops, like a spiritual opiate, into the bitter cup of humanity” (apud Löwy, 2006). The same positive approach is mentioned, with reservations by Moses Hess (1812-1875), in his 1843 Swiss essay: “Religion can make bearable...the unhappy consciousness of serfdom... in the same way as opium is of good help in painful diseases.” (apud Löwy, 2006). The contradiction in Marx about religious “affliction”, sometimes an endorsement and sometimes a protest, is a result of his point of view in 1844, when he was still a disciple of Feuerbach, a neoHegelian. Michael Löwy, in “Marxism and religion: opium of people?” (2006), underlines the importance of the fact: o ponto de vista de Marx, em 1844, deriva mais do neo‑hegelianismo de esquerda, que vê na religião a alienação da essência humana, do que da filosofia das Luzes, que a denúncia simplesmente como uma conspiração clerical (o “modelo egípcio”).[...]. A sua análise da religião era, por conseguinte “pré‑marxista”, sem referência às classes sociais e sobretudo a‑histórica. (Löwy, 2006. Author’s italics )2.

Only two years later, Engels, in German Ideology [Die deutsche Ideologie] (1846), that religion studies through the Marxist view is approached as a social and historical reality, opening discussions about the relations between Religions and the class struggle made by thinkers like Rose of Luxembourg, Ernst Bloch and Walter Benjamin, for example. The religious phenomenon is a personal, cultural and collective/ individual composition, rising from the interaction between the subjects and what they consider divine. This way, religion is a consequence of the social group that practices it, hence its relationship in the classes’ context, as Ernst Bloch stated. He distinguishes two social opposite social streams: “the theocratic religion group of the official churches, the opium of people, apparel to mystification at the service of the powerful ones; on the other side, the clandestine religion, subversive and heretic” (Löwy, 2006), at the peoples` service. Marx and Engels thought that the subversive role, the paying back, commitment struggle, the defense and the counter-discourse present in the religious practices were elements lost in the past, lacking strength for the modern classes struggles. Those thinkers were mistaken, because they did not observe neither the decolonization processes, nor the post-colonial studies.3 2. Post-Colonialism, the religious phenomenon and the symbolic fight Religion and religiosity become important within the colonial space, because they are elements present in those minds and discourses from the colonizer as well as the colonized people. The theme cannot be separated from the colonization process, once both antagonist groups used the religious phenomenon either to justify the colonial policies (Christian missionaries, colonizers), or to resist the process, paying back the oppression, deconstructing discourses, producing the process of decolonization (the colonized, medicine people, healers). 1 In Portuguese “A miséria religiosa constitui ao mesmo tempo a expressão da miséria real e o protesto contra a miséria real”. In the German original: “Das religiöse Elend ist in einem der und in einem die Protestation gegen das wirkliche Elend.” (my highlights). 2 Marx`s point of view, in 1844, comes more from the left neo-Hegelianism, that sees in religion the alienation of the human essence than the Enlightenment philosophy, that denounces it simply as a clerical conspiracy (the “Egyptian model “).[...]. His analysis of religion was, therefore, “pre‑Marxist”, without references to social classes and above all a-historical. (author’s tradition). 3 The relationship between the Post-Colonial Studies and Class Marxism is intimately linked through the dialectics between colonizer and colonized ones. Such binary game was thought from the Cultural Studies in the 1960’s, originated from the Frankfurt School.


Postcolonialism and religiosity in African literatures || Silvio Ruiz Paradiso

Inside the colonial (or post-colonial) world, the fact is that, before the process of invasion, very few of the colonized peoples had a set of beliefs, myths and rituals of their own, in order to praise their past and all those who inhabit it (ancestors, heroes, creational divinities, etc). Within this, belief becomes an answer to the unexplained, a source for blessing, for the land fertility, against diseases, that is, the consolation and resignation. Religion becomes a reflection of this group that now is ‘outcast’, ‘othered’ and ‘invaded’, a foundation for endorsement and comforting that, because of this, makes it (religion and its features) a social resource to strength: “We are born weak and defenseless [...] the faithful who contacted God [...] is made stronger. He feels stronger inside, either to bear sufferings or to win them.” (Alves, 1989:64)4. Belief is not an isolated phenomenon, but it develops in a plural, social economical and cultural context. Faith, belief and religion are part of human nature, both from the victorious and the defeated ones, the invaders and the invaded ones because, as Rubens Alves states (quoted by Loiola, 2011:162) “When the resources of technique are exhausted, the representative of the Sacred flourishes: priests, warlocks, healers abound [...]5” – the way these characters abounded during the colonial conflicts! Faith permeates all contexts, ending up in the politic context, so this same strength is revealed by the European colonizers in a way to justify the colonial conquest and impose their hegemony. Novinsky (1972:19) synthesizes well the idea of religion in the colonial sphere, because, in the words of this author, “Religion is a pretext for fighting [...]”. Such a fight, as in the case of conquerors, was moved by Christ`s words (Mark 16:15. New Testament): “Go into all the world and preach the gospel to all creation.”, and constructed a mercantilist line of thought of the Christian Empires, such as the Portuguese Empire, who believed that its territory expansion and the increasing of Christianity were divine will. While religion worked as a social and cultural tool for people in Africa, even arabized in some parts, it was also a tool to empower the Christian Europe: “More than ever, the illusion of the homogeneity, canonically defended since the first Catholic priests, was relentlessly tearing apart facing the radical otherness of new places and peoples”6 (Chain, 2003:12). The myth of the Divine Will was always the driving force of colonization. The Venerable Bede, a Benedictine monk who lived around the o 8th century, defended even at that period the unification of the Anglo-Saxon Island under only one British flag, under God`s exclusive will (Fanning, 1991). Centuries later, the very England would give an example of indissolubility between Church and State when, in 1534, King Henry the 8th creates the Anglican Church becoming its supreme leader – and, as the Catholic Church, unified temporal and spiritual powers. However, of all colonizer empires, Portugal was the one who questioned most of all the colonialist politics and religion. There, in Portugal, the Catholic Church was equally as the monarchy worried in investing against heterodoxies (Chain, 2003:38). In O diabo e a terra de Santa Cruz - The Devil and the land of the Holy Cross (2009), Souza observes that the archaism of the Lusitanian social body, the feudal minds and the modern ideas coming from other European nations arranged the geography of the Holy Inquisition birth, in 1536. The Portuguese church, more than a State inside a State, was a “State” over the state, playing the leading role in decisions, rules and powers. It doesn`t matter whether they were English, Portuguese, Dutch, French or German, the fact is that the relationship between religion and colonization could not be separated and produced an 4 “Nascemos fracos e indefesos [...] o fiel que entrou em contato com o seu Deus [...] se tornou mais forte. Ele sente dentro de si, mais força, seja para suportar os sofrimentos da existência, seja para vencê-los” (original text). 5 “quando se esgotam os recursos da técnica’, florescem sempre um representante do sagrado: o padre, o feiticeiro [...]”(original text). 6 “Mais do que nunca, a ilusão da homogeneidade humana, defendida canonicamente desde os primeiros Padres da Igreja, estilhaçava-se irremediavelmente diante da alteridade radical de novas terras e gentes” (original text).


Postcolonialism and religiosity in African literatures || Silvio Ruiz Paradiso

ambivalence mentioned by Fanon (1961), that both groups create each other. Iza Chain explicits: Tomava corpo, neste contexto, a ideia de que os deuses do povo vencedor subjugariam e se apropriariam do território, corpo e mentes da população vencida, submetendo e extinguindo as divindades relacionadas a ela. O povo vencido, por sua vez, reagiria num processo de retaliação que colocaria a responsabilidade de todas as suas penúrias nos deuses do povo vencedor, vendo-os como entidades de cunho negativo (Chain, 2003:43)7.

In this approach, rereading religion in the post-colonial studies, rises a way of religion analysis, at times compared, thus producing a strong and needed turmoil in the epistemological superiority of the Christian-Cartesian theology. [...] Rejeitado o preconceito teológico da superioridade da revelação cristã, [...] [procura-se] abolir qualquer fronteira entre o mundo cristão e o mundo não cristão. Além de nomear e classificar os fatos religiosos, reagrupando-os em determinadas “espécies” (fetichismo, magia, tabus, culto dos mortos, astrolatria, etc), esses estudos colocavam-se o problema de captar, graças à comparação, aquilo que unia as várias religiões [...] (Filoramo & Prandi, 1999: 28)8.

This unity among the ‘diverse religions’ is their very ability of revealing new functions other than the religare and the relegere. It is the one of presenting the discursive strategies of an ideological and political nature in their sacred symbolisms. Besides, if the studies of religion were born attached to the texts, once the great religions had as their source their textual narratives – Christianity (Bíble), Hinduism (Bhagavad Gita), Islam (Koran), Judaism (Tanakh [Torah, Nevi’im and Ketuvim]), Zoroastrianism (Zend Avesta), Bahá’í (Kitáb-i-Aqdase), etc., currently literature contributes to such studies and, together with the postcolonial studies, literature helps to re-evaluate the conceptions of the sacred in the ambivalent world of the post-colonial literature. Então, poderíamos estabelecer como objetivo geral para uma fenomenologia pós-colonial da religião o seguinte; Analisar o fenômeno religioso em perspectiva pós-colonial, atribuindo como válido todas as teorias e teologias que reforcem a alteridade nas tradições escritas ou não. Um segundo objetivo geral seria; aprofundar uma análise crítica da retórica discursiva tanto dos textos sagrados, quanto da linguagem ritual. E mais especificamente; a) Usar nessa análise tanto os critérios científicos, quanto os do senso comum. b) Identificar nas experiências religiosas, formas de harmonização entre as premissas das ciências sociais e naturais (Loiola, 2011:171)9.

Religion is still a theme a little absent from the post-colonial studies as a mark of the literary construction that approaches the ‘political’ discourse adherent to those studies. This means that the religious phenomena in the post-colonial literatures were not systematized and theorized suo modo for the aims of the post-colonial studies that is analyzing the strategy marks, attack and defense in 7 In this context, an Idea was rising that the gods of the winner people would subdue and take over the lands, the bodies and minds of the defeated population, subduing and vanquishing their related divinities. The defeated people would put the responsibility of all their penances in the gods of the winner people, seeing them as entities of a negative nature (Author’s traslation). 8 [...] Rejecting the theological prejudice of the superiority of the Christian revelation, [...] [it is sought] to abolish any border between the Christian and non-Christian worlds. Besides naming and classifying the religious facts, grouping them in a determined “species” (fetishism, magic, taboos, cult of the dead ones, devotion to the planets, etc), these studies put up the problem of observing, due to comparison, that which united the diverse religions [...] (Author’s translation). 9 Then, we could establish as the general objective for post-colonial phenomenology as follows: to analyze the religious phenomenon in a post-colonial perspective, considering as valid all theories and theologies that reinforce otherness whether they are in written traditions or not. A second aim would be: deepen a critical analysis of the discursive rhetoric from the sacred texts as well as their ritual language. And more specifically a) By using in this analysis both in the scientific criteria and in the common sense. b) By identifying experiences, forms of harmonization between the premises of the social sciences and the ones in the natural sciences (Author’s translation).


Postcolonialism and religiosity in African literatures || Silvio Ruiz Paradiso

the literary object. However, religion was the most interfering element in the colonization processes between the 15th and the 20th century all around the world. Stephen Greenblatt, in Marvelous Possessions (1996:24-25) analyses the meaning of rites and feasts, process of conversion, nature of gifts, ways that Christians deal with the false beliefs of the others, authority that supported and endorsed the interpretation of the scriptures, among other elements that appeared at the same time of the second generation of European travelers. Those were issues of a capital importance, which marked some very clear divisions. It was starting from that which one believed that separated the colonial world between I and them, and it is in the African literature that this view becomes notorious. 3. African Post-colonial literature and religiosity In 2006, starting on my scientific initiation Project, I was worried about issues regarding Religion and Religiosity in post-colonial literatures. My paper presentation The panoptic view of the colonizer and the resistance ways of the colonized in The Fakir´s Island, by Alice Perrin approaches the Idea that the colonized (in that case a fakir) resists to the domination process by using his religious knowledge, in that case, a curse, based on his ascetic Hindu knowledge as a way and strategy of paying back (Paradiso: 2006). I stated, then, that religion and religious phenomena were also ambivalent, in the binary game defense/attack, resistance/oppression, colonized/colonizer, becoming a weapon for attack and controlling by the colonizers or defense, resistance and counter-attack by the colonized people (Paradiso 2006; 2007; 2008). The need is confirmed and supported by the important writers of the post-colonial theory. One year later, in the second version of The post colonial studies: key concepts. Second edition (2007:188), Aschcroft et al., state the need of starting to attach the religion studies to the post-colonial studies, once the religious and politic ranges are linked to the post-colonial scope, and they propose the discussion: “Religion could therefore act either as a means of hegemonic control or could be employed by the colonized as a means of resistance”. But not only the theorists understand the value of religion studies to the post-colonial literary studies. Many African writers, such as Chinua Achebe, Pepetela and Mia Couto, for example, believe that writing about Africa and colonization without giving the due importance to religion is not writing about Africa and colonialism at all. In an interview, Achebe states his desire of discussing better the Igbo and Christian religions. I was steeped in religion, the religion of the foreigners, because I wasn’t there when my father converted, and so that was one aspect of life. I wasn’t questioning it. In fact, I thought that Christianity was very a good and a very valuable thing for us. But after a while, I began to feel that the story that I was told about this religion wasn’t perhaps completely whole, that something was left out. There was no attempt to understand what was behind the Ibo religion. It was simply dismissed as the worship of stones and, you know, not as good as Christianity. (Achebe, 2008)

On the other hand, Mia Couto criticized the Mozambique Liberation Front in 1964 because they did not understand the reality of African religiosity, that is, the war needed to be ‘Magical-religious’, once politics and religiosity should not be distinguished from one another when the issue is Africa: Eu acho que quando se fala em África, e agora já posso falar em África, normalmente se fala em África de uma maneira tão simplista, como se fosse uma coisa só. Mas em geral em África não se dá a devida importância àquilo que é a religião, o fator religioso. [...] eu não posso compreender a África se não


Postcolonialism and religiosity in African literatures || Silvio Ruiz Paradiso

compreender uma coisa que nem tem nome, que é a religião africana, que chamam às vezes de animista. Os próprios africanos também não entendem que têm de procurar esse entendimento do que eles são, das suas dinâmicas atuais, a partir deste entendimento do que é a sua ligação com os deuses. E eu acho que a Frelimo falhou [...] (Couto, 2002)10.

The writer Pepetela also evaluates that “in a general way, Angolan people is religious [...] [Thus] it is obligatory that Angolan literature get a lot in touch with the aspect of religiosity” (apud Chaves, Macedo, 2009:39)11. Besides that, the religious matter is not finished in the conflict between colonizer and colonized. It goes far beyond that, as in the cases in which the importance of the sacred is present in the postindependence period, or in the result of civil wars, as in No fundo do canto (2007), by Odete Semedo. By means of religious dialogues exposed in the African texts, one can verify the cultural and religious dispute in a political perspective, produced in the struggle of the “classes”. In this, the colonized subject gives to the colonizer the response and the payback, using the most powerful of the weapons, faith, and exposes the faith of the colonizer as a support for the colonial politics. If the Post-colonial studies attempt in the way by which the literary text reveals its creation of the other in an ideological, cultural and ethnical scope, the focus will lie on the religious issues, in which, together with the individuals, their rites, dogmas, beliefs, even their god will also be left aside. The privileged investigation will go beyond the literary, but will be “historical, social and literary” (Culture, History e Religion in Literature), in a way to analyze the presence of religion in those post colonial African literatures as having the leading role of the colonial resistance and criticism. The African texts of a post-colonial nature allow a questioning about the Western ‘supremacy’ which invades and oppresses peoples unknown up to that period, part of the literary imagination of several writers, who presented in their short stories and novels countless representations of the sacred. Thus, there is a questioning about the post-colonial studies and the religiosities of their agents. So, why aren`t there many analyses where religiosity and post-colonial discourse are gathered together in an adequate and coherent relation, thus establishing the social and political nature of religion in the post-colonial text? The answer may be in the theoretical literature about post-colonialism, which does not value religion as a conception to be worked under this approach. That`s the reason why my thesis (2014) “Religion and Religiosities in Post-Colonial African Literatures: Achebe and Mia Couto”, presented to the Universidade Estadual de Londrina (PR State, Brazil) raised and approached the hypothesis on how the religious phenomenon of the colonized ones and the colonizers are presented in the post-colonial text by African writers, starting on a particular esthetic, in which those phenomena are observed by the political approach of a colonial struggle. This way, I set the African writer to the commitment of the ‘citizen-writer’, discussed in Benjamin Abdala Junior, in Literatura, história e política – Literature, History and Politics (2007), where the writer discusses writing starting on the political commitment, in our case, underlying the religiosity discourse. The thesis (Paradiso, 2014) was one of the many starters about the religious studies inside the African narratives as a decisive element for the construction of an anti-hegemonic political 10 I think that, when we talk about Africa, and now I can talk about Africa, because one usually talks about Africa in a very simplifying way, as if it is just one thing. But in general in Africa, no importance is given to that which is religion, the religious factor. [...] I cannot understand Africa if I cannot understand something that even doesn`t have a name, which is the African religion, that is sometimes called animist. The very African people also don’t understand that they have to look for this understanding of what they are, their current dynamics from this understanding of what is their attachment to the gods. And I think that FRELIMO failed in that. [...] (Author’s translation). 11 “de um modo geral o povo angolano é religioso [...] [Assim] é forçoso que a literatura angolana toque muito no aspecto da religiosidade” (Author’s translation).


Postcolonialism and religiosity in African literatures || Silvio Ruiz Paradiso

discourse, a singular feature of the post-colonial texts. So, it is my intention that other researchers may continue to study this theme, as many writers of the Black continent approach the matters: that faith doesn`t move only mountains, but also the wreckage brought about by the [post]-colonial discussion.

Bibliographic References Abdala Júnior, B. (2007). Literatura, história e política: literaturas de língua portuguesa no século XX. São Paulo: Atelie Editorial. Achebe, C. (2008) Entrevista a Jeffrey Brown. Transcription Originally Aired: May 27, 2008. [Url: , accessed in 17 December 2011]. Alves, R. (1989, [7ª edição]). O que é religião. São Paulo: Abril Cultural/Brasiliense. Ashcroft, B. et al. (2007 [2ª edição]). Post-Colonial Studies: The Key Concepts. London: Routledge-Taylor & Francis Books. Bíblia Sagrada. (2009). Trad. Dom Estêvão Bettencourt. São Paulo: Ed. Paulinas. Chain, I. G. da C. (2003). O diabo nos porões das caravelas: mentalidades, colonialismo e reflexos na constituição da religiosidade brasileira nos séculos XVI e XVII. Juiz de Fora: ed. UFJF. Couto, M. apud Felinto, M. (2002). “Mia Couto e o exercício da humildade”. Trechos desta entrevista foram publicados no caderno “Mundo” da “Folha de S. Paulo”, at 21 july 2002. Fanning, S. (1991). “Bede, Imperium, and the Bretwaldas” in Speculum, n.66, pp. 1–26. Fanon, F. (1961). The Wretched of the Earth. London: Penguin books. Filoramo, G. & Prandi, C. (1999). As Ciências das Religiões. São Paulo: Paulus. Greenblatt, S. (1996). Possessões maravilhosas. O deslumbramento do Novo Mundo. São Paulo: EDUSP. Loiola, J. R. A. (2011).“Pós-colonialismo e religião: possibilidades metodológicas” in Revista Caminhos, Goiânia, v. 9, n. 1, p. 159-174. Löwy, M. (2006). “Marxismo e religião: ópio do povo” in Borón, A. et al. (compiladores):  A teoria marxista hoje. Buenos Aires: CLACSO. [Url: topics/marxismo-e-religiao-opio-do-povo, accessed in 14 November 2013]. Marx, K. (2005). Crítica da filosofia do direito de Hegel. São Paulo: Boitempo Editorial. Novinsky, A. (1972). Cristãos Novos na Bahia. São Paulo: Editora Perspectiva/Editora da USP. Paradiso, S. R. (2014). Religião e Religiosidade nas Literaturas pós-coloniais africanas: Achebe e Mia Couto. Tese de Doutorado. Universidade Estadual de Londrina: Paraná. Programa de PósGraduação em Letras. 307p. Paradiso, S. R. & Barzotto, L. A. (2007). “A religiosidade do colonizado e o panóptico do colonizador: Defesa e ataque em The Fakir’s Island, de Alice Perrin” in Revista CESUMAR, v. 12, pp. 107-125.


Postcolonialism and religiosity in African literatures || Silvio Ruiz Paradiso

Paradiso, S. R. & Barzotto, L. A. (2008). “Religião e Resistência no discurso pós-colonial” in Anais do 60º Reunião Anual da SBPC. Campinas: Sociedade Brasileira para o Progresso da Ciência. Paradiso, S. R. (2006).“A Visão Panóptica do colonizador e os meios de resistência do colonizado em The Fakir´s Island, de Alice Perrin” in Anais do III Mostra de trabalhos de iniciação científica do Cesumar, Maringá. Anais em CD-ROM. Souza, L. de M. (2009). O diabo e a Terra de Santa Cruz: feitiçaria e religiosidade popular no Brasil Colonial.


Abstract: In this paper, we discuss the gap between the discourse and the project regarding Lusophone world. The first is related to the notion of unity of the Portuguese language and the second shows the lack of actions for building an effective relationship between the countries of the CPLP. We chose to focus our discussion on literature, which may reveal the gap between discourse and project in its contents and circulation. For this, we analyze the book O Anjo do Timor by Sophia de Mello Breyner Andresen . This book may be read as a symbol of Lusophony and , more specifically , of the way Timorese people belong to it. In contrast, we present the concrete experience of working with the book in the classroom, along with Timorense university students. Through discussion of the booking and the teaching experience, we will point to the wide gap between the discourse and the project of Lusophony and to the way it it is marked by violence, not only historical, but symbolic.

Lusophony in East Timor: between discourse and project Patrícia Trindade Nakagom1 University of São Paulo - USP, Brazil

Keywords: Lusopnony; East Timor; reading; Portuguese language; literature Introduction In this paper, we aim to discuss the concrete distance between countries, despite the project of unification and the existence of a common language. We certainly do not value uniformity, which is contrary to multiple aspects of identity, but we intend to show the tension between the discourse and the project of Lusophony. We base our considerations in Fernandes’ words: Lusophony in its immense symbolic representation can mean a discourse of singular circumstance of a ritual ceremony, as well a consistent project on behalf of which we should unite to overcome the natural difficulties, while the embryo of a set of communities, equal among themselves regardless of their size or creed, and with a common imperishable mark - Portuguese Language - with the differences caused by the creativity of those who use it as a higher form of communication. (Fernandes, 2006, p. 119)1

In his speech during the Opening Conference of the X Congresso das Ciências do Desporto dos Países de Língua Portuguesa, Fernandes states quite objectively about the 1 Free translation. Original text: “Ora, a lusofonia, na sua imensa representação simbólica, tanto pode significar um discurso de circunstância próprio de um ritual de cerimónia, como um consistente projecto em nome do qual nos deveremos unir para ultrapassar dificuldades naturais, enquanto embrião de um conjunto de comunidades, entre si iguais, independentemente da sua dimensão ou credo, e com um traço comum imperecível – a Língua Portuguesa -, com as diferenças próprias da criatividade de quem a utiliza como forma superior de comunicação”. (Fernandes, 2006, p. 119)


1 The author is master and PhD student of Literature. Her thesis about the reader is carried out at the Department of Literary Theory and Comparative Literature of University of São Paulo Under the supervision of Prof. Andrea Saad Hossne. The author is currently developing part of her research at Free University Berlin – Germany. In 2012 she worked as Portuguese teacher at National University Timor Lorosa’e – East Timor. Email: [email protected]

Lusophony in East Timor: between discourse and project || Patrícia Trindade Nakagome

possibilities of intervention for the construction of a Lusophone project. He points out actions which should follow the discourse about Lusophony. Thus, even without agreeing with some of the placements of the author, we believe that it takes a significant step to establish specific parameters for supporting an ideal. In this paper, we aim to follow Fernandes steps. It will be discussed an object that can be considered a Lusophone symbol: the book O Anjo do Timor written by the Portuguese Sophia de Mello Breyner Andresen. This work will be analyzed considering its circulation in East Timor, in a teaching experience with Timorese students. Thus, we reflect about the gap between the discourse and the project of Lusophony and about possibilities of bring both together. 1. The discourse about Lusophony in literature Among other elements of culture, literature is fundamental to the formation of a country. In Brazilian case for example, according to one of our most important literary critics (Candido, 2007), just in Romanticism it was achieved a truly Brazilian literature. Just in this period could be found an autonomous literary system, independent from Portugal. In the case of East Timor, it may be more difficult to identify its own literature because the country is independent just over a decade. It can be easily seen marks of Portuguese colonization and Indonesian invasion. Esperança (2004), in text rightly called “Um brevíssimo olhar sobre a literatura de Timor-Leste”2, gives in a few pages an overview of the (not oral) literature related to the country. Already in the beginning of the article, the author explains he chose “Literature of East Timor” and not “Timorese literature” because he included texts not just by writers born in the country. From these considerations, Esperança makes a survey of some fundamental works of the history of East Timor - from travel books to those about the contemporary situation of the country. Without tracing aesthetic judgments, the only criteria pointed out by Esperança would be in favor of an expansion of the limited set of literary works in the country. Far from being neutral, this action reinforces the presence of Portugal in the Literature of East Timor because it embraces authors born in this European country. We should understand Esperança’s intent in the light of ideology, once we agree it can be always recognized in the selection of works any national literature. In this respect, states Eagleton in his attempt to define the literature: What we have uncovered so far, then, is not only that literature does not exist in the sense that insects do, and that the value-judgements by which it is constituted are historically variable, but that these valuejudgements themselves have a close relation to social ideologies. They refer in the end not simply to private taste, but to the assumptions by which certain social groups exercise and maintain power over others. (Eagleton, 1996, p. 14)

Eagleton ‘s book shows how the definition of the literary is related to aspects which far surpass the materiality of the text. Thus, we cannot disregard the “filter” existing in this demarcation of “Literature of East Timor”, established by a Portuguese priest. In this context, we place the question: the need to expand the criterion of “Timorese literature” to “ literature of Timor “ would indicate not only a concern of thinking about Timor’s cultural production within the Lusophony, but also a desire to accentuate the importance of Portugal in Timorese culture? Although this question is apparently anchored in two very similar conditions, it indicates two different approaches: in the first case it is focused in Timor, and in the second in Portugal. This double possibility reveals the gap between the discourse and the 2

Free Translation: “A very brief look at the literature of East Timor”


Lusophony in East Timor: between discourse and project || Patrícia Trindade Nakagome

project. After all, the critical effort to define the literature of a country may reveal a project which does not put the country as the protagonist of their own culture, but as one more character. Because of the extent and purposes of this article, we do not aim to deal in depth the hypothesis raised earlier. But we let it in the air. It will be a question present in discussion to be developed below, in which we intend to make more concrete the gap between discourse and project – similar to the complex relationship between East Timor and Lusophony. 2. A symbol of Lusophony O Anjo do Timor, written by Sophia de Mello Breyner Andresen, is undeniably a beautiful book. The simple text bears the mark of the poet, with precise and striking lexical choices, which lyrically portray a request for peace. To reinforce the construction of the text, there are the illustrations by Graça Morais, who painted in shades of brown the story of a people who survive under the sun. Thus, we have materialized in a small book a coordinated effort of word and image, representing the quality we always expect to find in literature. The book presents the life of a “liurai” (a kind of Timorese local leader ) who decides to travel the world to become wiser . On one of his stops, he meets a merchant who told about the existence of people who believed in one single God and expect His return to save humankind. After hearing this story, the “liurai” desires to know where live these people, but the merchant tells that it would not be possible because the country was too distant. Because of this impossibility, the “liurai” concludes that he does not want to travel anymore and decides to return to his homeland . Arriving home, he heard in his dreams he should wait for a call from God. And he did it over a long time: during the day he was the just and wise chief and during the night he was a man waiting for the sign from God. In one night, the messenger of God appears before the “liurai” and announces that the expected God had finally come to earth as a baby. The angel informs that the Wise Men were on their way to carry gifts to the boy. The “liurai” tells to the angel he would also like to join the Wise Men, but the Angel, as the merchant, explains it would be impossible because Bethlehem was far from Timor. This time, with no frustration, the “liurai” understands the distance between him and his God and just asks the angel to give him a gift: a box of sandalwood with some stones he used to play in childhood. Since this event, every Christmas The Angel of Timor stands before Jesus to offer him the gift of “liurari”. In a special year, the angel repeats this action and says Jesus the following prayer: — Baby Jesus, Prince of Peace, Almighty God, remember that people of Timor has been entrusted to my care. Hear their prayers, see their suffering. See how they ceaselessly invoke You even in the midst of the massacre. Lord, set them free from their captivity, give them peace, justice, freedom. Give them the fullness of your grace. Glory to the Lord! (Andresen, 2003, p.34)3

In a singular Christmas, The Angel of Timor cannot just reinforce his usual gesture of praising the Timorese people. In an attitude of deep faith, the angel prays for help to the people who are faithful in Jesus even being so distant from him. The prayer sets the desperate plea of a population who was being decimated, suffering all the violent consequences of the Indonesian invasion4. This request for 3 Free translation. Original text: “- Menino Deus, Príncipe da Paz, Deus todo Poderoso, lembra-Te do povo de Timor que por Ti foi confiado à minha guarda. Escuta as suas preces, vê o seu sofrimento. Vê como não cessam de Te invocar, mesmo no meio do massacre. Senhor, libertai-os do seu cativeiro, dai-lhes a paz, a justiça, a liberdade. Dai-lhes a plenitude da Vossa graça. Glória a Ti, Senhor!” (Andresen, 2003, p.34) 4

We will not dive into details of the tragedy in East Timor. In order to indicate the size of the violence, we resorted to findings


Lusophony in East Timor: between discourse and project || Patrícia Trindade Nakagome

help testifies the profound belief of Timorese in Catholic faith, which remains as one of the deepest marks left by Portuguese colonization, something recognized even in the Constitution of the country5. The synthesis of the book shows in its simplicity profound reflections on wisdom, peace and distance. Even if the Timorese old man is free to seek more knowledge, he is locked into a space whose distance separates him from the important events happened in another country. However, the spatial limitation is disrupted by faith, by the deep desire to pay tribute to the one regarded as source of salvation and hope. Because of the impossibility of physical presence, “liurai” and his people will be represented through the simple gift. The angel of Timor becomes himself the bridge which unites such distant places. He breaks the concrete barrier of the continents with his wings and he is able to be with baby Jesus to intercede for the suffering people. In this sense, we can consider him as a symbol of Lusophony especially because of his speech to unify such different countries around the supposed unity of the Portuguese language. Through the Catholic faith, fundamental to spread the Portuguese language, it is represented in Andresen’s narrative Andresen how the Timorese people belong to the Lusophone community. This people have their Lusophone identity represented especially by the singular gift sent to Jesus: a box of sandalwood, one of the symbols of the country, with the pebbles, which represent the simplicity of Timorese people. There is no intention of causing a good impression with an expensive gift, just the real intent to give something really suitable for a boy. Once The Angel of Timor takes an object which has always belonged to “liurai”, it may be considered that he carries the memory of the Timorese people, presenting Jesus with their moments of fun and peace experienced in childhood. The gift chose by the “liurai” is a vote of joy and tranquility, common feelings in the past of the Timorese people. The gift is offered to Jesus in an act of generosity, which can represent the desire of taking part in His blessing to the mankind. However, in a moment of deep despair of the people, that past of tranquility becomes a symbol to ask Jesus an action to build the future to the people with the same feelings offered to Him by the “liurai”. In the reading we suggest in this article, centered in the gap between the discourse and the project of Lusophony design, we believe that O Anjo do Timor may be taken as a significant example of how this process occurs. The Angel materializes the possibility of union between people around a strong common cultural element (in this case the Catholic faith) and the overshoot of any distances (in this case, physical) between them. In response to their offering, to their desire to belong to a God who is so far away from that people, there is the request for aid and attention in a moment of deep pain and despair. The literary request to Jesus is similar to what motivates Sophia Andresen to write: the need to draw the attention of the world, especially of the Portuguese people, to the absurd suffered by the Timorese population. Then it is requested that the discourse of Lusophone integration becomes a concrete project: action to save lives. In the next topic, we discuss an effective case of reception of the book, which makes even more evident the gap between discourse and project: not just as literary matter, but as daily substrate to the education of Timorese population. of Indonesians themselves, as recorded by Magalhães: “Disseram-me que cerca de 60.000 timorenses tinham sido mortos até agora. Consideramos este número muito elevado porque isto significa que 10% da população tinha morrido. Mas quando referimos esses dados a dois padres de Dili, eles disseram-nos que segundo suas estimativas, o número de mortos rondava os 100.000. O desejo de integração na Indonésia começa a diminuir devido à má experiência da ocupação das forças invasoras (roubos, incêndios, violações de raparigas, etc).” (2001, p. 34) 5 “Na sua vertente cultural e humana, a Igreja Católica em Timor-Leste sempre soube assumir com dignidade o sofrimento de todo o Povo, colocando-se ao seu lado na defesa dos seus mais elementares direitos”. (Timor-Leste, 2002, p.7)


Lusophony in East Timor: between discourse and project || Patrícia Trindade Nakagome

3. The huge gap between discourse and project O Anjo do Timor was one of the objects we choose to our Portuguese language classes with East Timorese students. The reason why we opt for this book may be inferred from the above description, the simple language and its theme, which was lyrically showing the way East Timor could be inserted in Lusophone culture. In the gap between the potential of the book, with its conciliatory discourse, and the project materialized in classroom, with the difficulties of the students, there was the inability to work effectively with the Andresen’s work in the course of Philosophy at UNTL (National University East Timor). Students who started to study at the University in 2012 represent the first group, who theoretically had classes in Portuguese during Elementary School and High-School. Despite this, however, the difficulties they showed with the Portuguese language were immense, creating high barriers to communication between teachers and students. During the correction of the first essays, it was possible to note that the problems in the use of the Portuguese language went far beyond spelling mistakes or syntactical aspects. Indeed, o teas difficult to understand the general idea students wanted to express in their texts. But there was not just linguistic boundaries that separated teachers and students. There was also, and perhaps primarily, a cultural vain separating them: the students almost never gave their opinions in class because of their utmost respect and timidity. Given this complex situation, work with literature was greatly compromised. If not even the first step of reading (the decoding of a text) was reached, how could we advance to the interpretation, so necessary to literature? In this sense, perhaps the story of the students themselves should be prioritized in relation to the stories told in books: More than presenting stories of a different world with the Portuguese language, we found that the most important thing was to know the stories of those students, tell them, in everyday life, how their voice and memories had value. Facing their experiences, we show our deepest concern and respect. Facing those students, we recognize them as active subjects in the process of constructing meaning, which reveals the need for education in a broader sense: Bildung (Nakagome, 2013, p. 97)

O Anjo do Timor allows students to have access to a cultural space to which they belong: the world of Portuguese language, the official language chosen for themselves along with Tetum. But this scenario will not be entirely true before people have wider access to their own history: the history of the individual, his family and his country6. In a context in which all this was denied, especially by years of schooling devoid of a broader concern about the construction of meaning7, it is not possible simply intend to fill it quickly with Lusophone discourse. East Timor has suffered over the centuries with the actions of foreign countries in its territory. If in the case of Indonesia it became marked by exterminating, in the case of Portugal, we can consider that the keynote was the negligence, which hindering an effective dissemination of the Portuguese 6 The need of studying the own History is indicated by Gunn: “É óbvio que os 24 anos de ocupação indonésia constituíram uma ruptura significativa nos 500 anos de contacto europeu. Temo que, a menos que a geração mais jovem de Timor-Leste comece verdadeiramente a estudar esses 500 anos de História, a sua verdadeira importância não perdure.” (2001, p. 22) 7 Bassarewan & Silvestre state about the teaching of reading in East Timor in Elementary School: “As orientações do programa curricular aplicadas pela escola com os alunos não pro­movem o desenvolvimento da leitura reflexiva. Além disso, muito do que é proposto não cria situações em que a criança possa expor suas ideias, possa comunicar-se, ter o texto como tema para uma discussão coletiva. Em muitas situações, a leitura do concreto, a leitura para o desvendamento do mundo e a leitura para a libertação não são consideradas um direito da criança, que, por isso mesmo, deve ficar reduzida à leitura mecânica e à decodificação de palavras.” (2010, p. 503)


Lusophony in East Timor: between discourse and project || Patrícia Trindade Nakagome

language, even while Timor was still an European colony8. Despite this complex scenario, Timorese decided to have Portuguese language as official and show proud to belong to the CPLP. Thus, our didactic choice for O Anjo do Timor was part of an effort to accomplish the desire of Timorese people to belong to the Lusophone community. However, as described above, such activity may have revealed, on the contrary, albeit unintentionally, an act of symbolic violence. The violence of the unknown word, of the word demanding silent. But the word in Portuguese language should precisely unify people who overlying under the banner of Lusophony. Conclusions The major Australian linguist Geoffrey Hull stated that the choice for Portuguese language as official indicated the desire of East Timor to not becoming a “nation of amnesiacs” (Hull, 2001, p. 39). Therefore, Timor opted to maintain a link with the past and, consequently, was inserted permanently within the Lusophony. To the future, as a project, it has to be seen how the CPLP members will effectively act on behalf of its newest member, of this country so recently independent. As we have seen in relation to Esperança’s paper and to the described didactic activity, the discourse of Lusophony can materialize, however unintentionally, the denial of the unique experience of Timor and the Timorese regarding Lusophone culture. For this act of violence ceases to happen, the Lusophone discourse need to be part of a concrete project for assistance and support to the country, especially by strengthening its educational institutions. It is fundamental to fill the gap between discourse and project of Lusophony with something more than words. It is especially necessary because the words written in Portuguese are still poorly understood by the Timorese population.

Bibliographic References Andresen, S. M. B. (2003). O Anjo de Timor. Marco de Canaveses: Cenateca. Bassarewan, A. B. U & Silvestre, S. M. (2010). “O ensino e a aprendizagem da leitura nos primeiros anos da escolaridade em Timor-Leste.” Educação e Pesquisa, v.36 (2), pp. 491-504. Candido, A. (2007). Formação da literatura brasileira: momentos decisivos. Rio de Janeiro: Ouro sobre azul. Eagleton, T. (2006). Literary Theory: an Introduction. Oxford, Blackwell. Esperança, J.P.T. (2004). “Um brevíssimo olhar sobre a Literatura de Timor” in Várzea das Letras, Edição 04. Fernandes, M. A. F. (2006). “A vitalidade da lusofonia” .  Rev. Port. Cien. Desp, vol.6, n.1, pp. 119-123. [Url: script=sci_arttext&pid=S164505232006000100013&lng=pt&nrm=iso, accessed in 10 September 2013.] 8 The president of East-Timor indicated in a paper published few years before his election the low investment of Portugal in the diffusion of Portuguese language: “O esforço dos missionários não era correspondido pelo governo português que só em 1915 abriu em Timor a primeira escola oficial e, durante mais de 50 anos, talvez com certo arrependimento, tentou equilibrar o esforço feito pelos missionários, expandindo a língua portuguesa através de abertura de mais escolas, empregando até para o efeito soldados portugueses em serviço nesta meia ilha. Como era de esperar, não obstante esse tardio esforço, até 1975, apenas 5% da população se podia exprimir em português e talvez menos de metade se comunicava na mesma língua, oscilando esta apenas da elite administrativa para o clero católico.” (Ruak, 2001, p. 40)


Lusophony in East Timor: between discourse and project || Patrícia Trindade Nakagome

Gunn, G. (2001) “Língua e cultura na construção da identidade de Timor-Leste” in Camões, Revista de Letras e cultura lusófonas. Lisboa: Instituto Camões. Hull, G. (2001) Timór-Lorosa’e - Identidade, Lian no Polítika Edukasionál (Timor Leste Identidade, Língua e Polística Educacional). Lisboa, Instituto Camões. Magalhães, A. B. (2001). “Timor-Leste: tenacidade, abnegação e inteligência política” in Camões, Revista de Letras e cultura lusófonas. Lisboa: Instituto Camões. Nakagome, P. T. (2013) “A autoria antes da recepção: uma experiência de ensino de literatura em Timor-Leste.” Linha d’Água vol 26 (1), pp. 83-100. RUAK, T. M. (2001). “A importância da língua portuguesa na resistência contra a ocupação indonésia.” In Camões, Revista de Letras e cultura lusófonas. Lisboa: Instituto Camões. Timor-Leste. (2002). Constituição da República Democrática de Timor-Leste. [Url: _RDTL_PT.pdf>. accessed in 5 May 2013].



Communication, culture and media representations

Abstract: The text comments on aspects of research project entitled Through the eyes of others: power and imaginary in news coverage. Approach chosen is that of the cultural critique of journalism in its action of colonisation of the social imaginary concerning the relationship between Brazilians and their nation as well as between nationals and their SouthAmerican neighbours. The dimension of the power project is raised as a hypothesis to explain claims for the presence of the State by Brazilian media, which we understand to engineer a paradox between dimensions of national security versus public security. That paradox responds by adopting a mimetic structure of news coverage, expressed in the usage of framing that is particular of International Journalism in treating events that took place in the distinct Brazilian borders (international borders, favelas, and the Amazon). Different implications were extracted from that process and studied by focusing on news stories referring to local events of national interest. The claims for actions of power projection by the Brazilian State in its peripheries generate the conflict manifested between the exercise of journalism based on international information flows (news agencies catering to interests of globalised economic power) in face of the plurality of claims by the national society. Another observable result is the unsuccessful coverage holding a specific and attentive regard to particularities, reinforcing the colonisation of the imaginary by part of the media, consecrating a view of Brazil by Brazilians ‘through the eyes of others’.

The southamerican condo: colonial insertion and news coverage by Brazilian mainstream media Ada Cristina Machado Silveira1, Isabel Padilha Guimarães2 & Aline Roes Dalmolin3 Federal University of Santa Maria, Brazil 1



Class 3 at the


of Communications, Postgraduate


in Communications and in


Extension at the Federal University of Santa Maria. Researcher at the National Council of Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq). Silveira holds a doctor’s degree in Journalism from the Autonomous University of Barcelona (Spain), and a post-doc from the National University of Quilmes (Argentina). She also holds a master’s degree in Rural Extension from

Keywords: journalism; communications community.



the Federal University of Santa Maria, and a magister in Communications from the Autonomous University of Barcelona. Leader of research group Communications, Identities, and Borders. Email:

1. Media, peripheries, and news coverage

[email protected] 2 CAPES-FAPERGS post-doctoral fellow in research group

The current account approaches a research proposal continuing a previous investigation on the matter of ambivalence in news coverage of national peripheries (International Borders) and metropolitan peripheries (Favelas), now incorporating the required specificity demanded by the coverage of the Legal 1 Amazon . Approach chosen is that of the cultural critique of journalism in its action of colonisation of the social imaginary concerning the relationship between Brazilians and their nation as well as between nationals and their South-American neighbours. The dimension of the power project is raised as a

Communications, Identities,

and Borders, within the Postgraduate Programme in Communications at the Federal University of Santa Maria. Padilha holds a doctor’s degree and a master’s degree in Communications as well as a bachelor’s degree in Journalism from the Pontifical Catholic University of Rio Grande do Sul. Email: [email protected] 3

CAPES-PNPD post-doctoral fellow in

research group Communications, Identities, and Borders, within the Postgraduate Programme in Communications at the Federal University of Santa Maria. Dalmolin holds a doctor’s degree and a master’s degree in Communications from the University of the Sinos Valley and a bachelor’s degree in Journalism from the Federal University of Santa Maria. Email:

1 The project was awarded funds from CNPq’s 2011 Edital Universal on top of funds from CPES-FAPERGS doctorate scholarship, besides shares from scholarships from IC PIBIC, PIBIC-EM, and PIBIC-AAf from CNPq.


[email protected]

The south-american condo: colonial insertion and news coverage by Brazilian mainstream media || Ada Cristina Machado Silveira, Isabel Padilha Guimarães & Aline Roes Dalmolin

hypothesis to explain claims for the presence of the State by Brazilian media, which we understand to engineer a paradox between dimensions of national security versus public security. That paradox responds by adopting a mimetic structure of news coverage, expressed in the usage of framing that is particular of International Journalism in treating events that took place in the distinct Brazilian borders (international borders, favelas, and the Amazon). Different implications were extracted from that process and studied by focusing on news stories referring to local events of national interest. The analysis of mainstream news coverage allows us to note that the claims for actions of power projection by the Brazilian State in its peripheries generate a conflict with nationality and are manifested in the exercise of journalism based on international information flows (news agencies catering to the interests of globalised economic power), strictly kept in face of the plurality of claims by the national society. Another observable result is the unsuccessful coverage holding a specific and attentive regard to particularities, reinforcing the colonisation of the imaginary by part of the media, consecrating a view of Brazil by Brazilians ‘through the eyes of others’. 2. News coverage and colonial insertion We initially present an antecedent which led to the current research project. In the 2000s, we analysed the model of news coverage concerning a set of Latin-American dailies. 2 Approximately twenty years later, seminal study Dos semanas de la prensa latino-americana (Lozano-Rendón, Silveira, Matiasich, et al., 2000) laid aspects of our dependence on the NorthSouth flow of international news. Drawing on both studies, we approached the existence of an international pattern of news coverage, which would be guiding newsworthiness beyond the simple unfolding of events, ordinarily deemed in the media jargon as ‘facts’. When we study the critique of the content reiterated in news coverage of Brazil’s international borders, for example, professionals (as well as many politicians) incisively argue that facts are as such, that youngsters are dying, that crime proliferates, and that weapons and drug trafficking befalling metropolises come from the border. That stand holds important antecedents competing to reinforce their argument. That reality along with its dramas translate into problems with the pattern of news coverage and point to deep ethical problems of our times in face of the emergence of an uneven globalisation. Nevertheless, that perspective produces a great disillusion parallel to the loss of impact of newsworthiness pattern practiced by mainstream media. Disillusion accruing because of the fact that the news coverage betrays the idea of a possible Brazil inasmuch as it does not understand the global extent of locally-grasped events. The media establish themselves within tendencies pointed by Bauman (2002, p.98) as responsible “for the growing impotence of existing collective political action agencies”. That is, journalism as a media agent ascribes itself the promotion of the current negative conscience. In studying newsworthiness as from the national socio-historical formation, we note that the mimetic structure of news coverage expresses itself in the usage of a set of practices especially active in the Northern hemisphere, promoter of values of a globalised world, which act on principles and norms that often go against local ordering. A paradox that, concerning Brazilian media, for example, engineers the systematic claim for actions of power 2

Two weeks in the Latin-American press.


The south-american condo: colonial insertion and news coverage by Brazilian mainstream media || Ada Cristina Machado Silveira, Isabel Padilha Guimarães & Aline Roes Dalmolin

projection by the Brazilian State in its peripheries — international borders, metropolitan favelas or the Amazon. In our investigation, we reached results that point to the conversion of national peripheries into territorial property of the State, considered as guarantees regarding a deposit amount secured by the borderland society. The reiteration and the continuity of discursive framing observed in the analysis of news coverage of situations involving events about Brazilian international borders establish a broad implication between coverage of the borderland everyday life and the sores of nationality (Silveira, 2012). 3. The three Brazilian peripheries The research project which we report on in this paper gives continuity to project contemplated by research productivity funding from CNPq between 2008 and 2011, entitled: Brazil, show 3 your face. The ambivalence of borders and favelas in news coverage on the periphery . This project’s question laid on the socio-semiotic reconstruction and on the significational comprehension of ambivalence in news coverage on national and metropolitan peripheries. Results obtained allowed to reflect upon news coverage performed by the media concerning the everyday of national peripheries (Brazilian International Borders) and how their representations keep them tied to an imaginary of frequent situations articulated by the absence of the State, chaos, and violence persisting even after the end of the Ideology of National Security and the Cold War. National media observe similar practice regarding the coverage of events taking place in metropolitan peripheries (Favelas). To a certain extent, it ends up contaminating the coverage that local borderland media realise their own everyday. We posit that the socio-semiotic interpretation of media discursivity allows to understand how the allegories of the nation keep constituting themselves in political, social, and cultural limits in a globalised world. Before being the representation of unbearable and precarious reality, this discursivity expresses ambiguities within this commencement of a global society (Silveira, 2008). Another analysis covers the matter of ambivalence and was approached by Silveira (2009) through the appropriation of the other in news coverage, taken as vicarious to the modern project, which has two facets according to the interpretation of Zygmunt Bauman (1999): (1) the trap, and (2) the revenge of ambivalence. The making into news of events that took place in peripheries such as the metropolitan favelas and the international borders comes into being through an ambivalent framing that generically takes them as an other marked by the anxiety of expansion of the modern project, which holds an archetypal case in the imaginary about the peripheries. In observance of Fredric Jameson’s propositions (1995) about the transformations of regard, we evaluated the news coverages of both peripheries in four Brazilian weekly magazines (CartaCapital, Exame, IstoÉ, and Veja) between the years of 2006, 2007, and 2008, according to the incidence of a colonised, bureaucratic, or post-modern regard (Silveira, 2009). We found that the incidence of regards introduces the ways of devouring the other, which assume several ways of regarding. Jameson (1995) points to the emergence of the bureaucratic or Foucaldian regard in to 1970s; i.e., when regard combines itself with knowledge (savoir), becoming an instrument of mediation. Thus converted into the other, borders and favelas are at the mercy of journalistic appropriations which become vicarious of the modern project. 3 The original title, in Portuguese: Brasil, mostra tua cara. A ambivalência de fronteiras e favelas na cobertura jornalística sobre as periferias.


The south-american condo: colonial insertion and news coverage by Brazilian mainstream media || Ada Cristina Machado Silveira, Isabel Padilha Guimarães & Aline Roes Dalmolin

The paper exposes the implications for journalistic newsworthiness aiming at comprehending how the exercise of coverage acts as an interpreter conferring a rigid character to the peripheral sameness. The reification obtained with the mensuration of the other and its worlds via the bureaucratic regard stands out in the analysis, which leads to denying alterity, denying difference of visibility; profiling the claim for discipline, for control, and for domination. Therefore, it is difficult not to relate certain journalistic practices to the moment and the bureaucratic regard, as well as to the dimension of power within. Inasmuch as it aligns itself so rigidly to the perspective that the established power builds in relation to the ways of regarding, it suggests that journalism has been appropriating an exercise of domination by judgment through newsworthiness. The utility of the peripheral alignment and its construction of common sameness favour the establishment of an expressway linking events produced at the International Borders and in the Favelas, configuring themselves as articulated activities for which significational ambivalence allows to consecrate heads or tails: Rio de Janeiro’s sores originate from the uncontrolledness of borders inasmuch as gun and drug trafficking are permitted. A market which, in its turn, feeds the commercial turmoil of international trade at those borders. Established the interpretive script lending sense to the events stormed by the everyday factuality, we note that another dimension sums itself to the metaphor of the broad jigsaw puzzle that the common sense lends to the news. Weekly magazines’ coverage stands out as a copycat as it reports on facts affecting one of the dearest treasures of the Brazilian nation and a permanent source of international concern, namely the Amazon: A systematical analysis of Época and IstoÉ in April 2008 exposes the issue. Three schemes can synthesise the approach built by both magazines. Firstly, the Amazon is presented as border and problems related to the absence of the State in that region are attested. Articles cover slash-and- burns, deforestation, wood smuggling, drug trafficking, guerrillas, indigenous peoples, and dispute over lands. The second scheme focuses on diplomacy amongst countries, including notes that present relations in terms of rivalries, financial competitions, political quarrel, and dispute over hegemony at the borders. Even when conflict is not the main argument, the issue is indirectly fomented. Articles categorised expressively as territorial borders — a third scheme of approach — are almost inexistent. Their registers, when they occur, follow the same reasoning as the previous ones: conflict, tension, disorder, neglect (Silveira, 2009, p.8). From the analysis and reflection hitherto performed, we acknowledged the other periphery, besides the two others already identified. Therefore, the Legal Amazon, consisting of 60% of the Brazilian territory, summed itself to the acknowledgement of the pertinence in studying the presence of International Borders and Favelas in national news. The incorporation of the Amazon as a third peripheral space implies the application of issues approached by news coverage. As we have registered in the previous project and highlighted in its resulting publications, the study of print media coverage on the issue of Brazilian international borders reiterates the conditioning of the professional attitude that reproduces news addicted to some recurrent elements: urban and rural violence (burglary, murder, political persecution of citizens from neighbouring countries in Brazilian territory); terrorism (connections with Islamic and Colombian terrorist groups); social exclusion (immigrants and foreign workers holding no papers and/or legal rights, clandestinity, poverty); and legal contraventions (genetically-modified seeds, food,


The south-american condo: colonial insertion and news coverage by Brazilian mainstream media || Ada Cristina Machado Silveira, Isabel Padilha Guimarães & Aline Roes Dalmolin

clothes, and electronics, cattle raiding, sexual trafficking, guns, and drugs). A great deal of those problems repeat themselves in the everyday reports of metropolitan favelas: urban violence (burglary, murder, robbery); gun and drug trafficking (links with organised crime and international cartels); social exclusion (foreign immigrants and workers from other regions in Brazil, deficit of citizenship, poverty); and legal contraventions (child prostitution, undocumented sales of electronics, distribution of guns, drugs, pirate copies of softwares and audiovisual material). It is the events about wrongdoings (descaminhos), a generic legal title for crimes against the tax system, that affect the criteria of news selection the most, taking peripheral spaces as the Nation- State’s private periphery. Such activity brings sensitive repercussions in terms of identity policy and reverberates in the formation of a deteriorated identity of national spaces. The category of wrongdoing, thus, encompasses activities deemed illicit and susceptible to legal imputation applicable to large-scale importers, traders of any sort or travelling salespersons (sacoleiros) who support, with their own physical vigour, merchandises that will be later distributed in urban centres miles away. Nonetheless, the space of the Amazon adds to the scroll another ingredient: environmentalism. Congressman Aldo Rebelo comments on environmentalism in terms of providing us with its incorporation into the existing paradox between the dimensions of public security and national security, already established over issues aforementioned. The internationalisation of the environmental issue points to what he takes as lack of zeal for the territorial property of the Brazilian State (Rebelo, 2010, p.200). That is exemplified by the possession of Guyana by England in 1904 in a dispute with Brazil. He states that “sovereignty and intervention in environmental issues need to be stripped of the traps raised to conceal interests” (Rebelo, 2010, p.204). He also emphasises that, if the topic of sovereignty has already been laid, the one of interventions still needs debating. Fittingly, debating is not possible without public awareness, of which news coverage is a fundamental instrument. Yet in another paper, presented at the XX Encontro Nacional da Compós (Silveira, 2011), we continue the reflection on the dialogue between notions of the media imaginary and the imaginary of national culture, intending to proceed onto some kind of evaluation of how the news communicational processes effect control of political power over wide layers of society in the peripheries. One of the main characteristics analysed manifests itself through the trap of significational ambivalence, which we believe to characterise a fundamental aspect of the framing chosen in covering events taking place in distinct Brazilian peripheral spaces. Clear in their concreteness and historical context, the favelas taken as metropolitan peripheries are aligned to other peripheries, such as those located at the international borders. News on them lead to a constraining of a polycentric imaginary which is segregated. Segregation is so fierce that escaping from it seems possible only in examples taken as the shelter of the different, that is, exceptions portrayed in articles framed as faits divers or even as economy of culture. In claiming the appearance of the revenge of ambivalence, we remember what Bauman says (1999, p.190): “it is not to be mourned, but to be celebrated”since it is the limit of the power of those in power. Our reflection ponders that, if it is accurate that peripheral populations live in ambivalence, their everyday reality, when deprived of the lens magnifying the sense given by the international perspective, has no appeal to great part of the news. They are documented only in their dialectical opposite of artistic productions having a broad and secured consumer market (hip hop, Nollywood, amongst others). This paper, thus, analyses how the significational ambivalence discursively affects such distinct


The south-american condo: colonial insertion and news coverage by Brazilian mainstream media || Ada Cristina Machado Silveira, Isabel Padilha Guimarães & Aline Roes Dalmolin

processes such as those of public security, of identification and self-recognition or of international relations (Silveira, 2011), reiterating the perspective of vigilant panoptic device. Something that, in the current project, already outlines grosso modo the conflict between two dimensions: on the one hand, the dimension of public security facing, on the other hand, the dimension of national security. 4. The paradox of national security versus public security It was, therefore, during the elaboration of the aforementioned paper that we pointed to what we would later recognise as the paradox resulting from the confusing coverage of topics intertwining national security versus public security. If the inheritance from the ‘years of lead’ — as the military dictatorship from 1964 to 1985 became known in Brazil — still maintains ideological debris that do not allow its discernment, on the other hand, as Alberto Pfeifer would point (2010, p.510) regarding the Mexican case (which affects us due to its obvious derivation from the globalising influx of news agencies), it was not possible to fully disembowel its distinctions, turning the news into a hostage of the overlapping between those two dimensions, as well as a consequence of poor political debate about the issue. Therefrom emerges our hypothesis that the news coverage about the national peripheries shelters the dialectics of contemporary confrontation placed between the dimensions of national security versus public security. It also engineers, on behalf of the news coverage, the claim for actions of power projection by the Brazilian State in its peripheries — International Borders, Favelas, and the Legal Amazon. Results obtained and exposed in the papers previously referred to confirm the working hypothesis that the incidence of agency and newsworthiness about the peripheries keeps them in an ambiguous discursive condition, randomly framing their events as panoptic devices that continuously alert the local/national community about their perils through the ambivalence in news coverage. The aspect of framing as a fire alarm is still being analysed in another paper under production based on empirical data collected. The research project fits into the research strand of the Postgraduate Programme in Communications at the Federal University of Santa Maria, entitled Media and Contemporary Identities, inasmuch as it reflects upon singularity and difference in a globalised world. Issues concerning emergent notions such as situational or positional identities (travelling salespersons, for example, also known as sacoleiros, wander at the international borders, often under the label of smugglers); cultural hybridisation (the peripheries); the borders and the Nation-State, immersed in the context which Homi Bhabha (1990, p.21) points from the continuous slithering of categories such as sexuality, social class, territorial paranoia, or cultural differences; they all constitute a universe of quivering issues, for which institutionality has no answers. Results obtained from the research can be briefly highlighted consisting of: • discursivity of the reality in the peripheries as representations of an unbearable and precarious reality which expresses itself in the ambiguities contained by this commencement of global society; • the everyday reality of peripheries as deprived of the lens magnifying the sense given by the international perspective and as unappealing to great part of the news, except for certain artistic activities having a broad and secured consumer market; • the incidence of the colonial, bureaucratic, and postmodern regards introducing the way of devouring the other;


The south-american condo: colonial insertion and news coverage by Brazilian mainstream media || Ada Cristina Machado Silveira, Isabel Padilha Guimarães & Aline Roes Dalmolin

• the trap of significational ambivalence leading to a constraining of a polycentric imaginary which is segregated; • the revenge of significational ambivalence which is not built as the beholder of attractions for most part of the news except as faits divers; • the peripheral alignment of International Borders and Favelas, group to which the Legal Amazon was added; • the significational ambivalence discursively affecting such distinct processes such as those of public security, of identification and self-recognition, or of international relations. These results support the proposition that the amplification of the current investigation proposal of this research project develops from the previous one.

Bibliographic References Bauman, Z. (1999). Modernidade e ambivalência. Rio de Janeiro: Jorge Zahar. _____ (2002). A sociedade sitiada. Lisboa: Instituto Piaget. Bhabha, H. K. (1990) Nation and Narration. Nova Iorque: Routledge. Jameson, F. (1995) Espaço e imagem. Rio de Janeiro: UFRJ. Losano-Rendón, J. C. [et al]. (2000), “Informational news in the Latin American press”. In: MALEK, A.; Kavoori, A. (Orgs.). The global dynamics of news. Studies in international news cover and news agenda. Westport (EUA): Greenwood, pp. 190-215. Rebelo, A. (2010), “Soberania e intervenção em questões ambientais”. In: Jobim, N. A.; Etchegoyen, S. W.; Alsina, J. P. (Org.). Segurança internacional: perspectivas brasileiras. Rio de Janeiro: FGV, pp. 192-204. Silveira, A. C. M. (2008) “Ambivalência entre fronteiras e favelas na cobertura jornalística sobre periferias”, Comunicação & Espaço Público (online). Brasília, UnB, year XI, n. 1 and 2 (pp. 1-15). _____ (2009), “Modos de ver e devorar o outro: a ambivalência na cobertura jornalística das periferias”, Ghreb (on line) São Paulo, PUCSP, n. 14, oct-dec, pp.1-15. _____ (2011) “O noticiário sob a mão forte do Estado. Segregação midiática e controle do imaginário”, Anais do XX Encontro Anual da Compós, Porto Alegre, UFRGS. [ U r l :, [s.d]]. _____ (2012) “A cobertura jornalística de fronteiriços e favelados. Narrativas securitárias e imunização contra a diferença.” Intercom. Revista Brasileira de Ciências da Comunicação (online). São Paulo, v.35, pp. 75-92.


Abstract: The crisis makes way for an imaginary of the evil, where culprits are identified and punishments applied, called sanctions. A study of the discourses of international press allows identifying a new type of colonization of the Southern countries by the Northern countries. In these discourses, we foresee a new symbolic order of the financial crisis. An order that dictates the ways of saying, thinking and acting to overcome the crisis. An order that feeds of the Promethean imaginary and that thinking conquer evil, the danger, the unexpected, the fall, opposing him antitheses, like good, safety, anticipation, progress, growth, full employment. The identification of monsters, diseases, and the projection in metaphors of his incarnation is the prelude of a fight against evil, an evil that adopts a human face: the southern countries who lived beyond their means, who consumed instead of producing, who spent instead of save and who are subject to disadvantageous reimbursement of the redemption or to aid plans that act as a form of punishment and expiation. Keywords: Domination.

The southern colonization by north: the financial crisis in the international press Jean-Martin Rabot1 & Mafalda da Silva Oliveira2 Communication & Society Research Centre, University of Minho, Portugal

Crisis; Colonization; Prejudices; Rumors;

1. The myth of economic harmonies Stereotypes A new wind blows on the finance world. This is not a slight sea breeze that tempers and cools carelessness typical of torrid summers. This is a matter devastating and stormy wind. The miracle of Christ who calmed the sea is not on the point to happen again. No one today takes up the words of the Gospel of St. Matthew: “Who is that who obey even the winds and the seas?” (Chapter 8, 22-27). None of those prophets that we meet in economic and financial circles is now able to predict the outcome of the crisis which triggered in August 2007 in the United States and that, like a snowball, spread all over the planet. No disciple dares today to announce better days. No disciple today believes in the miracle of a sustained economic recovery. The spirit of the time is in the lack of faith, of enthusiasm, in the general distrust: in relation to the Men in black of the Troika. If the doubts about the future are urgent because the crisis is general, is not only an economic crisis, one of the many bubbles that often explode (stocks, real estate, Internet, to name the latest), because the spirit that presided modernity was struck in the heart. The crisis for the ancient Greeks indicated a critical moment that demanded a judgment, a split, requiring a decision that, in its turn, made​​ envision a way out of the crisis. Today, by contrast, «the crisis seems marked with the seal of indecision, what cannot be decided. What we feel in our time of crisis is that there is nothing to split,


1 Jean-Martin Rabot is assistant professor at the Institute of Communication & Society Research Centre, University of Minho. Ph.D. in Sociology, Jean-Martin Rabot has research interests that focus primarily on post-modernity and new technologies. [email protected] 2 Mafalda Oliveira is a PhD student in Communication Sciences and Researcher in Communication & Society Research Centre, University of Minho, with the doctoral project entitled “Use of Information and Communications Technologies by the elderly: Uses and gratifications” (SFRH/BD/80843/2011), funded by the Foundation for Science and Technology. With licentiate and master’s degree in Sociology - Specialization in Development and Social Policy, Mafalda Oliveira has research interests that focus primarily on online sociality, information and communication technologies and aging. [email protected]

The southern colonization by north: the financial crisis in the international press || Jean-Martin Rabot & Mafalda da Silva Oliveira

nothing to decide, because the crisis became permanent» (Revault d’Allonnes, 2012: 10). The current crisis can be seen as the end of modernity and of the certainties that their discourses afforded. Indeed, the grand narratives, correlative of an inalienable belief in the potential of reason in guiding the world and in leading it on the path of progress recoilless were repeatedly shaken by events of a varied nature. Since the earthquake of Lisbon in 1755, that caused consternation in the philosophers of the Enlightenment to the Nazi and Communist concentration camps, the progress, the history has not been the path of realization of reason, as still believed Hegel. The long awaited adequacy between the rational and the real, which Hegel prophesied in his book Elements of the Philosophy of Right, for Horkheimer culminated in the abandonment of objective reason, in favor of a objective reason, which forgets the latter purposes, highlighting only the means. The reason resulted in its contrary, the unreason, with the imposition of a last societal criterion, the instrumental rationality. This submits the production of truth through science to the usefulness of technical manipulation: thus, the reason «has become an endless purpose, and therefore can adapt to all purpose» (Horkheimer, 1983: 99). The economy did not escape to this process: became autonomous, moving away from the bases that served it as a support. The rationality of the capitalist economic system that Weber describes in his book The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism gave way to delirium financial system that being grounded in abstract operations completely disconnected from the reality, just turning on itself and consecrating «the dissimilarities that abysmal, open between the Exchange casino and the real economy» (Serres, 2009: 112). The economic certainties have not escaped the turmoil of chance: nobody else would conceive a philosophy as a way to tame the uncertainty. It is true that the constant economic progress since the Second World War, with a sustained growth in Europe, but also in many other countries of the world, and the intervention of welfare state able to contain the crisis, like the oil shocks, let us believe in an exponential and continuous growth and prevented us from designing the most raw and cruel evidence of historical experience, the existence of chances that Nassim Taleb called black swans, these imponderables and uncontrollable elements that come shake the linearity of time. Rediscovered a truth of common sense, there is no order without disorder, growth without recession, progress without retrocession, according to the Pareto theory of undulatory form that the social phenomena coated necessarily. The idea of ​​continuous growth is a total ineptitude, as demonstrated sovereignly by the geophysicist André Lebeau: «The phenomena of exponential growth always have a temporary character. It’s easy to understand the reason of it. Consider a phenomenon of growth characterized by a rate of 2% per year, which, in the case of Gross Domestic Product (GDP), characterizes a moderate economic growth. An elementary calculation, that we can make with a simple calculating machine, shows that, kept for a period of two thousand years, this growth rate multiplied the GDP by 1,6.10 (160 million billion). With all the evidence, such growth cannot be maintained in historical time. Considered as population growth and applied to the entire population of the Earth, i.e. 6 billion humans, this growth would lead, in a century, to a population of 43 billion people. In order for, in this same period, the increase of the population was confined to a split, it was necessary that the growth does not exceed 7 mils per year. But, if it were maintained for two thousand years, this rate of 7 mils still would multiply the population by a factor of a million. This means that locutions, such as sustainable growth and sustainable development, are dangerously antinomic. Characterized by constant rates, growth or development can only be transient» (2005: 154-155).

Well, the economic progress has always been concomitant with the belief in the unlimited potentialities of the reason that it would spread its benefits on human activities and on themselves. Men morally improved as the society improved materially. The idea of ​​a adequacy between the


The southern colonization by north: the financial crisis in the international press || Jean-Martin Rabot & Mafalda da Silva Oliveira

economy and the association, between abundance and peace, exchange and sociability, trade and civility, liberalism and welfare, the private interest and public interest, and the work order, the division of labor and collaboration, the value and work, usefulness and happiness, the property and the community, selfishness and sympathy, eudaimonism and ethics, was shared by many authors. Bastiat tells us that human conviviality lies in a «mutuality of services» (1982: 191), and that «the exchange is the political economy, is the Society as a whole» (1982: 74). Mario Vargas Llosa refers to «trade, civilizing and pacifying practice for excellence» (Llosa, 2003: 286). Well, crises come regularly contradict this tendency to harmony. Weber showed that the economy is one of the components of the assertion of the power of States, by more masked that be that reality. A quote of his book La Bolsa is instructive: «While the nations, even though they live in peace militarily, they enter into a relentless and inevitable economic struggle for their national existence and for the economic power, the realization of purely theoretical and moral postulates had been narrowly limited, since of an economic point, the unilateral disarming is also not possible. Precisely, a powerful stock exchange cannot be a club for the “ethical culture” and the capital of the big banks are not more “charitable organizations” than gun and cannons» Weber, 1987: 121.

The Italian thinker Cassano, in its turn, insisted about the dominant character of the whole economy: if the movement of globalization and universalism that it induces contributed to the erasing of borders, they never cease to exist. Cassano defines the trader, as one who does not know balises and fight for its repeal, like a «non-violent rapist of borders» (Cassano, 1998: 68). Thus, the alleged universalism of thought and action that presupposes the market is not without of conflictuality, “even within the mobile universe of racing and of competition, there are centers and peripheries, capitals and borders, the elect and the damned” (ibid.: 71). 2. The strength of the rumors, stereotypes and prejudices A reading of the articles that the press consecrated to the crisis in various countries allows showing the real and imaginary cleavages that separate peoples and countries, as proven by the existing stereotypes and discriminatory practices of some in relation to each other. These are particularly notorious in regards to relations between the North and South countries. The articles studied implied a relationship of domination and even a form of colonization of the South by the North. It seems that in the united Europe, nobody wants to be the other. In one of his articles, the Austrian journalist Wolfgang Luef, did a survey of a series of quotes from national leaders that illustrate the mutual distrust between Europeans and that we reference in a different order: “France is not Greece.” (Christine Lagarde, director of the International Monetary Fund, May 2010); “France is not Greece and it’s not Italy either.” (Barry Eichengreen, American economist, August 2011); Spain is not Greece…” (Mariano Rajoy, leader of the Spanish opposition, May 2010); “Spain is not Greece.” (Richard Youngs, head of the Madrid-based think tank FRIDE, May 2012); “Ireland is not Greece.” (Angela Merkel, German Chancellor, November 2010); “Ireland is not Greece.” (Michael Noonan, Irish Minister of Finance, June 2011); “Ireland is not in Greek territory.” (Brian Lenihan, Irish Minister of Finance, November 2010); “Portugal is not Greece, and Spain is not Greece.” (Jean-Claude Trichet, President of the European Central Bank, May 2010); “Portugal is not Greece, and it will not turn into Greece.” (Antonio Saraiva, head of the Confederation of Portuguese Industry, February 2012); “Portugal is not Greece.” (Pedro Passos Coelho, Portuguese Prime Minister, June 2012); “Italy is not Greece.” (Rainer Bruederle, Germany’s FDP parliamentary party leader,


The southern colonization by north: the financial crisis in the international press || Jean-Martin Rabot & Mafalda da Silva Oliveira

August 2011); “Italy is not Greece.” (Silvio Berlusconi, Italian Prime Minister, October 2011); “Italy is not Greece.” (Christian Lindner, FDP general secretary, November 2011); “Austria is not Greece.” (Karlheinz Kopf, parliamentary faction leader of Austria’s People’s Party, November 2011); “Hungary is quite obviously not Greece.” (Gyorgy Matolcsy, Hungarian Finance Minister, June 2010); “Russia is not Greece.” (Vladimir Putin, Russian Prime Minister, March 2010). In the absence of anything better, the Greeks also found their point of comparison element: “Greece is not Argentina.” (Yiannis Stournaras, Greek Minister of Competition, July 2012)» (Luef, 2012). In the absence of better, the Greeks also found their point of comparison: «Greece is not Argentina» (Yiannis Stournaras, Greek Minister of Finance, in July 2012) (ibid.). One article of a Swedish newspaper insists on the absolute irreducibility of the differences between Europeans, leaving us understand that the approximation of European countries in legal terms, with the proliferation of political treaties, with the opening of borders, with the creation of a common currency, does not contribute to the effective understanding between peoples: «So let’s not forget that a Greek will always be a Greek – in other words a thief. Germans will always be Germans – that is to say, the Nazi perpetrators of war crimes – while Swedes will remain a marginal group of borderline autistic know-it-alls who stoop to give advice to everyone. The cracks that are beginning to appear in the carefully varnished vision of Europe with its own flag and anthem, are a testament to all of the singularities, differences and historical distinctions, which have persisted in spite of the European project. And as no one has taken the time to filter and analyse these notions, they have the potential to re-emerge as unshakable prejudice in the minds of European populations» (Swartz, 2010)

The crisis gave rise to stereotypes that marginalize and criminalize the other. It seems that the beasts of the Apocalypse, referred by Gilbert Durand, reborn from its ashes. Just see how the rivalries are expressed in public space, these rivalries that the press reports: the crosses stolen of the walls from the Greek cities, portraits of Merkel with Hitler’s mustache and making the Nazi salute. An article in the Süddeutsche Zeitung insists in the irreducible antagonism of the values​​: «Greeks are cheats who aren’t worth bailing out. Germans should pay Greece’s way out of the morass because the Nazis plundered the country» (Strittmatter, 2010). The French, in turn, criticize the Germany, although not as virulent. Accused her of developing at the expense of others, especially when reprove her overly favorable trade balance, due to the good performance of exports, supported by an overvalued euro. The French economist Jean-Paul Fitoussi rebukes to Berlin «uncooperative economic strategy» (Presseurop, 2010). The French newspaper Libération in turn criticizes the rumors, ‘at the limit of criminality’, in the words of George Papandreou, allegedly launched by international financial organizations, to destabilize Greece. Thus, at its meeting of April 17, 2011, the Institute of International Finance, that groups banks, monetary institutions, investors, namely by the voice of one of his stakeholders, Nouriel Roubini, launches the rumor of the imminence of an Greek debt restructuring. Roubini gave to understand that is it which infers of a meeting with Greek Finance Minister, at the time, George Papaconstantinou, even though he has said repeatedly that Greece would not need to resort to this restructuring. The news agency Dow Jones seized the news to disseminate it. And the news will be broadcast by all the financial press. Greece then actually restructure its debt. «Roubini wants to orient the market: as he puts it, a bet on Greek default cannot fail to come in. (…) But who stands to gain from the crime? Investors who are currently holding anti-Athens positions. Especially those who have bought Greek credit default swaps (CDS), who will lose their investment if default does not happen. Or those who are indebted in Greece or who have withdrawn money from the country, who have every interest in a return to the drachma. The rumour mill is set to keep on turning» (Quatremer, 2011).


The southern colonization by north: the financial crisis in the international press || Jean-Martin Rabot & Mafalda da Silva Oliveira

Just read the book of Edgar Morin about the rumors (La Rumeur d’Orléans) to repair its harmfulness. Incredible facts like the abduction of young creatures at the rear of the Jews’ shops, in the context of a heavy traffic in human beings, became the object of a belief that spread in depth in the social fabric of French society of the seventies. Reminding us mechanism’s operation of the complot in his book The Foucault Pendulum, Umberto Eco, in turn, tells us the fate of the false news of a conspiracy, by the mere fact to spread, on the simple basis of fears and unfounded beliefs, but shared, which eventually ends in a real conspiracy. In the area of ​​stereotypes, the metaphors used to disqualify a people abound. In an article that tries to demystify the hypocrisy of the North, Jürgen Kaube shows that the accusers who reprove the Greeks have resorted to lies and data manipulation to force their entry into the euro, were their accomplices. In this complaint, we recognize the compelling force of stereotypes: «All Cretans are liars, says the Cretan philosopher Epimenides. Epimenides’ paradox, a paragon of irresolvable circular logic, sounds even nastier as rehashed in Saint Paul’s Epistle to Titus: “One of Crete’s own prophets has said it: ‘Cretans are always liars, evil brutes, lazy gluttons.’” The paradox has now taken a political turn: everyone is aghast that the Greeks lied. That they are living above their means, incurring more debts than they’ll ever be able to repay, and counting on the rest of Europe – or more precisely, part of the rest of Europe – to foot the bill. Not unlike all those banks that put Greek bonds in their portfolio, presumably on the assumption that a state can go bankrupt, but not an EU member» (Kaube, 2010).

A Financial Times article refers to the «irresponsibility of southern Europeans» (Rachman, 2010). An article of the Swedish newspaper Aftonbladet, denounces the blossoming of prejudices with the crisis: «Greek sloth versus uniformed Germans, southern European corruption against the hardworking menand women of the Lutheran North» (Svenning, 2012). The Dutch newspaper NRC Handelsblad reports a question asked by Chinese bankers: «“How can we distinguish a Greek euro banknote from a German euro banknote?”» (Gruyter: 2012). Massimo Giannini talks about the possibility to create two euro coins, one of them more adapted to southern countries, less stringent, and another one to northern countries, most deserving: «German economists and Anglo-American bankers like Taylor Martin have publicly aired this scheme and even come up with names for the new currencies: the “neuro” and the “sudo”» (Giannini, 2010). A Dutch writer refers to the dishonesty and laziness congenital of the Greeks: «In northern Europe, fir trees grow and life is duller, people work harder, save more money and are generally pretty responsible in their dealings with the state. In the South, in contrast, people take a siesta and don’t sit down to supper till 10 o’clock at night, they run bulls through the streets, and cheating the authorities is a national sport. Thanks to the rules the establishment has laid down, we northerners are now being saddled with the southerners’ debts. The problem is I don’t feel any solidarity with the Greeks or Spanish. I like the Greeks and Spaniards I know a lot. But I don’t feel duty-bound to burden myself with their financial troubles» (Winter: 2010).

An article in the weekly Der Spiegel, we read that «the “Greek statistics” formula is a new buzzword. It stands for political wheeling and dealing and creative accounting, for the whole sad Greek saga…» (Steinvorth, 2010). In general, the countries of the North reprove to the South countries because they live beyond their means, and because they have favored the consumption over production, leisure over work, the tertiary sector over industry, and the public sector over the private. They reprove them for having expanded at the expense of private and public indebtedness, and of credits that they would never be able to repay. This disapproval clearly adopts religious, messianic and apocalyptic traits. The


The southern colonization by north: the financial crisis in the international press || Jean-Martin Rabot & Mafalda da Silva Oliveira

religious terms are particularly efficient to establish fracture lines between the good and the bad, the righteous and sinners, the elect and the damned. And also efficient to establish punishment. We know that the austerity is seen by many such a way to punish the lax with regard to budgetary control. In the Judeo-Christian tradition, the notion of debt is associated with moral guilt. Within this tradition, Protestantism, especially in its Calvinist strand, came still accentuate the feeling of moral guilt for those who are indebted. So, the moral eventually overwhelm the economy, both with regard to the diagnosis of the crisis, as the recipe prescription for healing. Paul Krugman tells us that «the problem of confronting this crisis is usually formulated in moral terms: countries have problems inasmuch as they sinned and now have to redeem themselves through suffering» (Krugman: 2012). This has also been highlighted by the Italian journalist Massimo Franco: «Perhaps you don’t know it: in northern Europe many people think that the “spread”, the difference between the interest rate for the soverign debt of his own “virtuous” country and the rate for those countries in a sorry state to the south, is the fruit of a Catholic sin. In German the word “Schuld”, for debt, also means ‘fault’. This semantic nuance reflects profound cultural differences and helps to better understand the distrust – or prejudice – of some nations of northern Europe towards countries considered members of a blithe “Club Med”» (Franco, 2010).

And it is in terms of sinners that Northern countries face the South: «Less “virtuous” countries pay dearly for their sins – and then some. Indeed, Nordic Europe also proves the most virtuous in terms of the debt/GDP ratio, where Portugal brings up the rear along with Greece, Spain and Ireland – the unfortunate “PIGS”, to use the somewhat racist acronym coined by AngloAmerican market analysts» (Rampoldi, 2010).

3. A new logic of domination The economic domination represents a form of smooth and tempered neocolonialism that northern countries exert on the southern countries, within the European Union itself. Knowing that the economy enjoys today, of a primacy in terms of scientific legitimacy, that it is granted to it by its quantitative aspect (formulas, calculations, equations, statistics, etc..), no one is capable of contest neither their methods , nor their receipts. A German newspaper recognizes that European states are interdependent and that the Northern countries shall only thrive with a cooperation policy with the countries of South and not to let starve their people, as punishment or retaliation form. «Is this the prospect for a united Europe? Transforming the land in which Western culture and democracy were born into a protectorate of Brussels – with no hope for improvement?  (…) The German economy prospers only because our firms do business to the detriment of weaker countries. But who, in the future, will still be able to buy German products? Would it not make sense to admit that we do not need to be associated with countries in crisis that cost us money? However, anyone who thinks along these lines is making a serious mistake. The country that is deriving the most benefit from the programmes to save euro is not Greece, but Germany. (…)No, this is not the Europe in which we want to live: a Europe where the banks and investment funds decide which countries will survive and which will not» (Greven, 2012).

Raising the issue of the colonization of South by the North, when we know that this finances it, in the form of bailouts to avoid countries’ bankruptcy that comprise it, it may seem strange. Talking about colonialism in a post-colonial era can not make sense. Talking about colonialism when European


The southern colonization by north: the financial crisis in the international press || Jean-Martin Rabot & Mafalda da Silva Oliveira

construction is made, not only economic but also political, legal and culturally can be anachronistic. However, it would probably be helpful to refer the thought of Stuart Hall: «We always knew that the dismantling of the colonial paradigm would release tins demons from the depths, and that these monsters would bring to the surface all kinds of underground materials» (Hall, 2007: 288). Which are these materials which the distinguished representative of Cultural Studies refers to? In the subject that concerns us, a new domination form, based on subtle economic mechanisms: «the imposition on the poorest majority of the interests of the richest minority. And most of the time, these interests coincide with those of a single nation, which nothing in recent history should encourage us to see as exemplar» (Agamben, 2013). Before the blossoming of the crisis that hit on the southern countries of Europe, from 2008 which is not, contrary to what their politicians say, a crisis of state debt and budgetary imbalances, but a subprime crisis, of the he mortgage credit of the housing and consumption, which took bit cautious banks and governments conniving with banking to grant cheap loans, but risky, to families and companies facing near bankruptcy or insolvency - the Germans were able to drain to these countries its impressive and attractive fleet of upmarket and luxury cars. Ever since the crisis manifested itself openly in Southern countries, the Germans knew how to take advantage of the existence in Europe of a large area of free exchange to stimulate their exports on the basis of a strong euro that favors countries with high evidence of productivity and competitiveness. And since that some countries have been rescued, the creditors, including the Germans took advantage of highly profitable interest rate. More, they began to speculate about the debt of countries in difficulty. It is true that the Germans can not be blamed for propensity the luxury of the citizens of the southern countries. We recall in this connection the etymology of the word luxury, which refers to the futility, to the unnecessary expense, and its analogy with the words of luxation, a member who becomes useless, and lust, useless sex, turned hedonism and not for the mere reproduction. It is also true that the Germans knew to contain expenditure, imposing rigorous in fiscal policy and reforming the labor market, while the Greeks, Italians, Spanish and Portuguese grew on the basis of expenditure, private and public, with the loans bestowed. But it is also true that the requirement for sacrifices and the imposition of austerity measures, mainly in the state field, with much cuts in the field of health and education, allowed rescuing banks and satisfy numerous private interests. In this context, a question from the audience who attended in the presentation, in Portugal, a book by the German writer Ingo Schulze proves pertinent, precisely due to its impertinence: «Were we – meaning myself, a German – now taking over with the euro what we had failed to take over with our tanks? (Schulze, 2012)». In the background, the colonial domination of the North is not more than the unidimensional imposition, on all countries and on all walks of activity, of a liberal reason that Moisés Martins relates as follows: «It is liberal reason that rules the world now. Liberal reason, that which Lyotard simply called “the system”. And the system, up until recently (up until the Wall Street crash in 2008), might not have allowed for peace, but it guaranteed safety; might not have promised progress, but it guaranteed growth. By what means? Doubtlessly by the market and by competition. The system did not have others. And it still does not have them, even if today it does not even manage to guarantee safety, let alone growth» (Martins, 2013: 69).

Colonizing the South, ostracizing it, at the basis of rumors, of the prejudices, of politicies domination, in the Weberian sense of the word, Northern countries forgot that Europe is composed by a group of different and diverse entities, and that there is no unity without the recognition of differences and disparities. That would be an amputee Europe of the Mare Nostrum, of its Mediterranean component. It would be the end of European dream, that is, the end of Europe. And


The southern colonization by north: the financial crisis in the international press || Jean-Martin Rabot & Mafalda da Silva Oliveira

that is the dream who suffer the Northern countries, as shown by Eduardo Lourenço: «In Southern and Eastern Europe, on the other hand, the European dream is alive and well. But these areas are limited and marginal, if not marginalised. The North, for its part, seems to belong to a continent whose dreams were frozen long ago» (Lourenço: 2012).

Bibliografic References Agamben, G. Un (2013). “Empire latin: contre l’hyperpuissance allemande. Paris: Libération. [Url:, accessed on 26/03/2013]. Bastiat, F. (1982). Harmonies économiques. Genève, Paris: Slatkine. Cassano, F. (1998). La pensée méridienne. La Tour-d’Aigues: Éditions de l’Aube. Franco, M. (2012). Une nouvelle guerre de religion. Milan: Corriere della Sera. [Url: http://, accessed on 07/09/2012.]. Giannini, M.. (2010). Poker menteur sur l’euro. Rome : La Repubblica. [Url: http://www., acedido em 28/04/2010]. Greven, L. (2012). Crise grecque : La thérapie mortelle de Bruxelles. Hambourg: Die Zeit. [Url:, accessed on 15/02/2012]. Gruyter, C. de (2012). Les banques pourraient faire sauter l’euro. Amesterdam: NRC Handelsblad. [Url:, accessed on 14/05/2012]. Hall, S. (2007). Identités et cultures. Politiques des Cultural Studies. Paris: Éditions Amsterdam. Horkheimer, M. & Adorno, Th. W. (1983). La dialectique de la raison. Fragments philosophiques. Paris: Gallimard. Kaube, J. (2010). Nous sommes tous des hypocrites. Francfort: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung. [Url:, accessed on 29/04/2010]. Krugman, P. (2012). Eurodämmerung: el crepúsculo del euro. Madrid: El país. [Url: http://, accessed on 29/04/2012]. Lebeau, A. (2005). L’engrenage technique. Essai sur une menace planétaire. Paris: Gallimard. Lourenço, E. (2012) Quo vadis, Europa?. Lisboa: Público. [Url: content/article/2458001-quo-vadis-europa, accessed on 02/08/2012]. Luef, W. (2012). Ce qui doit être dit. Munich: Süddeutsche Zeitung. [Url: http://www.presseurop. eu/fr/content/article/2415681-ce-qui-doit-etre-dit, accessed on 26/07/2012]. Martins, M. de Lemos (2013). Interview with Moisés de Lemos Martins. In Pinto-Coelho, Z. & Carvalho, A. (Eds.) (2013), Academics Responding to Discourses of Crisis in Higher Education and


The southern colonization by north: the financial crisis in the international press || Jean-Martin Rabot & Mafalda da Silva Oliveira

Research. Braga: CECS, Universidade do Minho, pp. 61 -72. ISBN: 978-989-8600-18-9. Presseurop, (2010). Le modèle allemand en accusation. In Presseurop [Url: http://www., accessed on 16/03/2010]. Quatremer, J. (2011). Grèce, une cible facile pour les rumeurs. Paris: Libération. [Url: http://, accessed on 09/05/2011]. Rachman, G. (2010). L’Europe n’est pas prête pour l’austérité. Londres: Financial Times. [Url:, accessed on 11/05/2010]. Rampoldi, G. (2010). Portugal: Chi va piano va sano, mais pas très lontano. Rome: La Repubblica. [Url:, accessed on 25/02/2010]. Revault D’Allones, M. (2012). La crise sans fin. Essai sur l’expérience moderne du temps. Paris: Seuil. Schulze, I. (2012). Dix idées pour sortir de l’absurdité. Munique: Süddeutsche Zeitung. [Url:, accessed on 27/01/2012]. Serres, M. (2012). Temps des crises. Paris: Éditions Le Pommier. Steinvorth, D. (2010). Grèce: Traquer les fraudeurs jusque dans leur piscine. Hambourg: Der Spiegel. [Url:, accessed on 04/08/2010]. Strittmatter, (2010). Grèce-Allemagne: La guerre des clichés fait fureur. Munich: Süddeutsche Zeitung. [Url:, accessed on 01/03/2010]. Svenning, O. (2012). Une victoire de Margaret Thatcher. Stockholm: Aftonbladet. [Url: http://, accessed on 12/03/2012]. Swartz, R.. (2010). Les préjugés, eux, prospèrent. Stockholm: Dagens Nyheter. [Url: http://www., accessed on 27/05/2010]. Vargas Llosa, M. (2003), A Cultura e a Nova Ordem Internacional. In AA. VV., Globalização: Ciência, Cultura e Religiões, Lisboa: Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian, pp. 285-302. Weber, M. (1987), La bolsa. Introducción al sistema bursatil. Barcelona: Editorial Ariel. Winter, L. de. (2010). Queremos a CEE de volta!». Hambourg: Der Spiegel. [Url: http://www. , accessed on 25/05/2010].


Abstract: Disabled people have been represented by the media from their differences and their identity is often treated as abnormal. Many are the young people who go through the process of learning to live with their own shortcomings and who need to deal with this new aspect of their identity in face of a society that ignores that process. Their representation in the media serves as a space for social reflection and it can either keep a stereotypical view of disability or give it new meaning. In this paper we analyze the representation of disabled youth in the American TV show Glee from the point of view of Disability Studies.

I’m still standing: the representation of disability in Glee Bruna Rocha Silveira1 & Lúcia Loner Coutinho2 UFRGS; PUCRS - Brazil

Keywords: Representation; Disability; Television. 1. Introduction Television, more than an instrument for sharing information, is a means of legitimizing the issues problematized in society. Fiction in television signals the changes that take place in society, creating narratives in a way that the spectators can somehow recognize themselves. According to Magalhães (2008, p. 68), “being on TV, becoming visible through television, seems to underline the existence of something that, if not there, needed not be mentioned or faced, about which we would not need to position ourselves.” Visibility in the media can be understood as a space for negotiation of meaning in society. Showing disabled characters could contribute to new insights on disability as well as it could reinforce old stereotypes on the matter. In this paper we ask ourselves where television places the disabled person in face of the fact that in our time the knowledge of the “other” is also built through the images of television. We see the American TV show Glee as a media product that operates in the construction of identities for the youth as well as the whole of the media, in general. We agree with Woodward (2000) on the fact that media representations interfere in the individual and collective perceptions of the world and on the fact that creating meaning is what gives us our place in the world as subjects. Such meaning brings sense to our experience and to what we are. Thus, we see representation as a way of seeing and positioning oneself in society. If when we think of youth1 we think of vitality and healthy bodies, speaking about youth and disability seems counterintuitive. However, it is in youth, in their most productive years, 1 We will not get into the discussion of the use of the words youth, young or adolescence/adolescents, for it is not the object of this discussion. However, we believe that it is important to highlight the multiplicity of identities that shape the young person we refer to.


1 Mestre, Comunicação Social (PUCRS); Doutoranda, Educação (PPGEDU/UFRGS), [email protected] 2 Mestre, Doutoranda, Comunicação Social (PPGCOM/PUCRS), [email protected]

I’m still standing: the representation of disability in Glee || Bruna Rocha Silveira & Lúcia Loner Coutinho

that most people with disabilities are faced with such reality and need to learn how to deal with this extra aspect of their lives. In addition, if we view youth as a time of instability, of transitioning from childhood to adulthood, going through a rupture such as acquiring a disability can be a great shock, as much for the young people themselves as for the people who live with them. Young people, who constantly seek identification with specific groups of peers in order to differentiate themselves, when disabled become automatically the “different ones.” If the teenage years of a young person considered normal are usually marked as a time of identity conflicts, being a teenager who is blind, deaf or in a wheelchair is more than an internal conflict, it is an issue to be thought about by society. We performed the analysis of the representation of the young person with disability in Glee under the precepts of Cultural Studies, more specifically Disability Studies. Disability Studies purport to deconstruct the apparatus of power and increase the knowledge that revolves around what we naturally understand as the disabled other (SKLIAR 2003, p. 155). Such studies examine how the effects of cultural history, structural forces, institutions, and access to goods and opportunities affect people with disabilities. Davis (2005) suggests that the alterity of the disabled person has been isolated, oppressed, incarcerated, and watched. Much has been written about it; it has been institutionalized, repressed, and controlled, as other minority groups and their studies have suffered isolation. 2. Media representation If we understand the media culture as the dominant culture in the contemporary world, we see the media as a place of construction, signification, and re-signification of identities. According to Kellner (2001), it is the media that builds our “sense of class, ethnicity and race, of nationality, of sexuality, and of ‘us’ and ‘them’.” It helps to shape the prevailing worldview and its deepest values​​: “Defines what is considered good or bad, positive or negative, moral or immoral.” For Hall (1997a), it is in the sharing of common meanings as a society that dialogue becomes possible. Representation, which involves the use of language, signs, and images, is an essential part of the process in which meanings are produced. Studying representation is therefore a study that involves relations of power. For Hall, the power contained in the cultural and media representations tem de ser compreendido não apenas em termos de exploração econômica ou coerção física, mas também em termos culturais e simbólicos, incluindo o poder de representar alguém ou algo de uma certa maneira – dentro de um certo regime de representações. Isto inclui o exercício do poder simbólico através de práticas representacionais. Estereótipo é um elemento chave no exercício da violência simbólica (HALL, 1997b, p.259). 2

The media is therefore a standardizing device in our society. Thus, it can work to create new meanings for disability. In a study on representation of people with disabilities in the media, Barnes (1992) identifies the cultural stereotypes most often shown in the media as associated to those people: pitiful, pathetic, subjected to violence, sinister, evil, “curious”, cripple, object of ridicule, as their own evil or enemy themselves, sexually abnormal, unable to participate in community life, and, also, normal individuals. When discussing stereotypes, Hall (1997b, p.257) how to typify and to stereotype are different acts. The use of types is part of the process by which we give meaning to the world. According to 2 must be understood not only in terms of economic exploitation or physical coercion, but also in cultural and symbolic terms, including the power to represent someone or something in a certain way - within a certain system of representations. This includes the exercise of symbolic power through representational practices. Stereotype is a key element in the exercise of symbolic violence (Hall, 1997b, p.259).


I’m still standing: the representation of disability in Glee || Bruna Rocha Silveira & Lúcia Loner Coutinho

the author, the representation we make of people (adult, child, serious, funny, etc.) is built through typification. The stereotype, however, reduces the person to their difference. For Hall, the construction of the stereotype is related to what is considered normal and therefore to relations of power: who defines what is normal? These stereotypes, such as the stereotype of the incapacitated disabled, can be propagated or stopped and modified. 3. Youth with disabilities in Glee The show Glee premiered in the U.S. in 2009 (Fox), and it is in its fourth season (2013). The plot and action of the show involve a choir (called New Directions) in a secondary school in the American Midwest, its students and faculty. The show aims to present the underdogs, the losers, that is, the different and therefore excluded ones in school’s society. The characters are of several social minorities, such as ethnic minorities, the LGBT community, and disabled people. The show provided a new angle to the category of teen drama merging genres like drama, comedy, and musical, raising not only the typical issues of adolescent drama in the media culture (such as the discovery of sexuality, love, maturity, etc.), but issues emerging in the current American (and globalized) society, such as bullying, personal and social acceptance, and the culture of failure versus success. It is important to note that in Glee the music is a part of the narrative as much as the dialogues, and that the show is well anchored in nonsense and fantastic situations, which do not follow a believable logic. In this scenario, most situations related to disability involve the character Artie Abrams, who uses a wheelchair since childhood. Artie (played by Kevin McHale), despite being a regular character since the beginning of the show, could be considered a secondary character, barely more that an extra in some episodes. However, the character has had his disability as a central theme in some episodes. He is characterized as a nerd, and often plays a role of balance among his peers, supporting the idea that every person with disabilities is good, which contributes to deifying them. Artie aspires to become a filmmaker, admits he likes to judge people, and always shows interest in girls. His character has dated Sugar, Tina, Brittany, and Kitty in the show. Like all the characters that take part in the choir, Artie suffers bullying from his classmates and is often treated with violence. At the beginning of the story, Artie has already used a wheelchair for almost half of his life and is quite agile and adapted to the wheelchair, even taking part in dance numbers. He also seems to accept his condition without major problems. However, over the course of the plot moments of denial and anger are alternated with acceptance of his condition. The first issue on disability addressed by the show is accessibility, in the ninth episode of the show (Wheels), when Artie’s chair becomes a problem. Will, teacher and coordinator of the group, tells them that the school will not cover the rent of a special bus to take them to the competition and that they will have to raise the money themselves. The whole group is against raising the money and say they prefer that Artie is taken to the place of the competition by his father like he is already used to. Artie pretends not to care, but he is hurt. The teacher, realizing it, shows his disappointment with the situation to the group and adds that “either they are all traveling together or no one is.” After more protests in which everyone assumes that “Artie does not mind,” Artie himself reveals he is actually rather hurt by what happened and by the lack of understanding from his friends. Will demands a bake sale and states that as an exercise for the week – so the group understands how hard Artie has to work just to be there - everyone has to go three hours a day on a wheelchair and do a musical routine on the chair. Artie teaches his colleagues how to dance and do tricks on the chair and in the end they all sing and dance on their chairs in his honor. When they gather the money for the special bus, Artie tells


I’m still standing: the representation of disability in Glee || Bruna Rocha Silveira & Lúcia Loner Coutinho

everyone that he prefers that the money is spent on an access ramp for the school auditorium so that other people with disabilities can use it too. After Tina (who suffered from stuttering) and Artie share their first kiss she reveals to him that she in fact does not stutter and that she made up the stuttering because she was very shy and wanted to turn people away. Artie is upset by that because his disability naturally makes people turn away from him. This episode highlights the issue of lack of accessibility at different places and how that harms a person with disabilities. Many of the problems associated with disabilities are not in the person’s disability itself but in the social structure that does not provide conditions that enable the effective and constructive participation of people with disabilities in society. Physical barriers often end up preventing people with disabilities from participating in common activities with their peers and having a social life, thus creating attitudinal barriers, such as those of Artie’s peers, who assumed that he did not care about not traveling along. The episode takes on a pedagogical tone with images of the difficulties faced by the students of the group when in wheelchairs, in an attempt to address the problems that a student with disabilities faces in daily life. The teacher Will also discusses the lack of accessibility in the school with the school principal, who claims the school does not afford to put as many ramps as needed. This is the only episode in which accessibility is discussed, though it is present in the daily life of the character and reappears on other occasions. Another important topic discussed from Artie’s disability is the relationship of people with disabilities with the Other. Historically, the disabled person is seen by society as being worthy of pity or horror. Observed, pointed at, and excluded, the person with disability has long been seen as the other to be corrected and extinguished. Over time, society’s view if the person with disability has changed, often even glorifying how they overcome the challenges of disability. However, the patronizing and concealing view of disability remains dominant. In the episode Wheels, misunderstanding appears first. Once Artie’s peers all “experience” his difficulties, they come to admire him, a feeling voiced by Tina. Such feeling appears in several other episodes as they get closer to Artie or as he comes across situations in which the physical limitations of disability are confronted. This is the case of the episode A Very Glee Christmas (2010), in which Artie’s then girlfriend, Brittany, reveals that she believes in Santa Claus and has asked him for Artie to walk again. Not wanting to spoil her illusion, Artie convinces coach Beiste to dress up as Santa and explain to Brittany why he could not accomplish her wish. Brittany believes in the fake Santa, but is still upset and tells Artie that it is not fair that he does not walk, feeling bad about it, even as Artie says it is not a problem. 3 This relationship of others with Artie’s disability is also seen in the episode The First Time (2012) with the premiere of the group’s production West Side Story, directed by Artie. He feels apprehensive, but he is encouraged by everyone before the show, as they thank him for his direction. He then says that when you are in a wheelchair people tend to pamper you, demand less, or are scared of saying something wrong, and that people’s attitude made it difficult for him to grow up; however, with the group’s trust in his work he felt like an adult for the first time. In this episode, specifically, the show approaches the importance of the encouragement of the Other for a healthy development and selfesteem of people with disabilities. On the episodes Auditions and Brittany/Britney (2010), Artie believes that by joining the school’s football team he could win Tina back, she who had traded for him Mike,4 and convinces Finn to help him with the argument that he could be used as a human battering ram in the field. The 3 So that Brittany will keep on believing the Magic of Christmas, Beiste leaves Artie a ReWalk under a tree. The device allows Artie to walk on crutches and it is only used on this episode (on the third season we find out it broke the next day). 4 Mike is also a member of the choir and a football player. The girl is clear about liking Mike’s muscles and about breaking up with Artie for being left aside during Summer break.


I’m still standing: the representation of disability in Glee || Bruna Rocha Silveira & Lúcia Loner Coutinho

new football team coach bristles at the idea, and gets upset at Finn for putting her in the position of having to tell Artie that a paraplegic person cannot play football. However, in the following episode the coach changes her mind and puts Artie on the team. Finn and Artie surprise everyone with the news that there are actually no rules forbidding a player in a wheelchair. Presumably the possibility of a wheelchair-bound student making such a request had never been considered. Since people with disabilities are often neglected or forgotten, rules and regulations pertaining to them are not thought about. Sexuality was another important topic covered by Glee. Most people infantilize people with disabilities and thus see them as asexual people, a completely misguided view. People with disabilities have the same desires as people without disabilities and Artie often demonstrates his interest in girls and sex. On Wheels, for example, when talking about his accident and injury to Tina, he makes sure to tell her that his penis works normally. In The First Time, he questions the acting of the main actors in the play by saying that they need to focus more on their sexuality. When he hears from Rachel and Blaine that they were both still virgins and were waiting for the right moment, Artie says that, although as a friend he supports their “strange aversion to fun,” as a director he was worried that they would not convey the appropriate feelings. It is noticeable that although the show strives to present Artie as a young man with normal desires and thoughts on the subject, in many situations, Artie’s interest in sex and girls his only contribution to the plot, what could be considered a confirmation of his place as secondary character. Despite this more general insight into the character and his sexuality, the great contribution of the show on that subject appears in Duets (2nd season), when Artie has sex for the first time, with Brittany. The girl, who had never shown any interest in him before, tells Artie that she wants to be his girlfriend (to cause jealousy on the girlfriend/affair Santana). Artie accepts it, even when realizing that he still likes Tina. Brittany then tells him she will help him forget his ex and they have sex (in the scene Brittany holds him in her arms and carries him from his chair to the bed). Jealous, Santana tells Artie that Brittany is only using him to win a musical duets competition and that she has sex with everybody. Hurt, Artie confronts Brittany and tells her that she had not thought about how he would feel, saying “After my accident we did not know if I would ever be able to have sex, then when I found out I could it seemed like a miracle and you stepped on it.” But Artie’s resentment does not last long and in the next episode he goes back on dating Brittany. Just as in his feud with Tina because of her fake stutter, his hurt feelings in regard to having been used by Brittany are not discussed again, and the two situations, which reflect legitimate feelings regarding his condition in a wheelchair, are forgotten in the plot. The most recurring theme when it comes to disability within the plot for the character Artie is a constant oscillation between acceptance and denial of his condition and its limitations. Artie’s anger at his own situation appears for the first time in the debut season of the show, in the episode Dream On (2010), when Artie reveals to Tina that his biggest dream is to become a dancer. After trying to get up using only the strength of his arms to lean on crutches and falling, Artie fights with Tina, blaming her for forcing him to that. The next day he apologizes to her, telling her that he usually finds it easy to deal with the lack of prospects for improvement in his condition, but he got scared when he had to face it. She shows him some stem cell research, cheering him up. In a daydream during a walk in the mall Artie gets up from his chair and dances.5 Returning to reality he tells his girlfriend that he will walk again. However, when talking to the school counselor he finds that those treatments are still far from being accomplished. At the end of the episode he gives up dancing with Tina the number 5

In his dreams Artie is not disabled, in this episode as well as in Michael and Glee, Actually.


I’m still standing: the representation of disability in Glee || Bruna Rocha Silveira & Lúcia Loner Coutinho

they had prepared, saying that he cannot and will never dance or do many other things, but that he is resigned to it and should focus on dreams he can accomplish. He ends the episode singing Dream a little dream of me while watching his girlfriend dance with Mike. In this episode it is clear that the real need for adaptations in the life of people with disabilities is not only physical, but also mental and emotional. In Glee, Actually (2013), Artie falls off his chair and gets hurt because the janitor had not put salt (which prevents the buildup of snow) on the ramp. Finn reluctantly takes him to the school nurse. Artie gets angry at the situation and says that he is tired of being helpless and of causing pity in others, and that he is tired of using his wheelchair. Before falling asleep, he says that he wishes he had never acquired his condition. In a dream, Artie wakes up and finds that he can walk. Rory appears as his guardian angel and tells him that he got his wish and had never suffered the accident that put him on the wheelchair. He also finds that in this alternate reality, he is a popular player on the school’s football team and actually bullies the kids who were once his friends. Rory then tells him how he had never been interested in entering the choir and that in fact it had never existed, since Artie himself was the glue that held the group together. He notices his friends were living in completely different and much more difficult realities and unsuccessfully tries to convince them to come together again. Artie then sees a wheelchair and voluntarily sits on it, and that is when Finn wakes him. Realizing it had all been a dream, Artie asks Finn to help him get around. Finn tells Artie how sorry he felt about how bad it seemed to need a wheelchair. Artie then replies that for good or bad, the chair was part of him and had shaped him into the person he was today, making peace with his own situation. From this episode we can think of the formation of identity for these young people, of how they see themselves in society in view of their own disabilities. The wheelchair is part of the one who needs it, much more than a mere accessory to improve mobility; it is an extension of their body. Disability does not define who a person is, but it constitutes an undeniable part in the shaping of identity. 4. Final Thoughts Analyzing the trajectory of the character Artie throughout the four seasons of the show, we identified and addressed specific issues related to disability: accessibility, the relationship with the disabled other, sexuality, and the constant oscillation between acceptance and denial of one’s own disability. Artie’s character is presented as a minority within a group of excluded ones, and therefore suffers neither more nor less than his peers. However, the challenges of disability are presented as different from the challenges of the others. Difficulties such as lack of accessibility, denial, and sexuality are actually addressed as single issues, showing what young people with disability struggle with daily. From this point of view, the representation of young people with disability is positive in Artie. Also, the fact that he appears on the show in every episode, even if only as an extra, is interesting and positive on the issue of representation of disability. It is neither overrated nor forgotten, as the show regularly a presents a person with disability in the school routine. This is in itself a new fact, for it has not been long since people with physical disabilities are allowed to attend regular schools. Some of the stereotypes commonly associated with people with disabilities are present in the representation of Artie, such as the image of the person with disability being a good friend. Also, his being very intelligent and interested in his studies may reinforce the idea that wheelchair users can only do intellectual work. However, showing his denial of the disability in some episodes and presenting him as an ordinary young man who is very interested in girls humanizes his representation, showing a “normal” side of him and making him a part of this young school community.


I’m still standing: the representation of disability in Glee || Bruna Rocha Silveira & Lúcia Loner Coutinho

Unlike most media representations, Glee brings in an element that is not very common: In the beginning of the plot the character already has a disability for many years, and during the plot his condition neither improves nor worsens. Artie’s disability is not a punishment, nor is likely to be “cured” or fixed. It is something that is a part of the character in his identity. And although he dreams of someday overcoming his disability, he accepts the fact – which is endorsed by the text of the narrative – that such overcoming may never happen. Much of the representation of the story of Artie in the show, or of disability itself, is shown in small gestures or passing scenes, such as a pat on the shoulder from friends when his disability limits him. The show, as a “dramedy” (dramatic comedy), also does not hesitate to present Artie’s condition as comic, which is not all negative, once the jokes made on disability often come from the character himself, as a demonstration of enough acceptance to even joke about his condition. Given that meanings are constantly produced by the interaction between subjects and the consumption of cultural objects, showing the interaction of society with a disabled character can create different meanings for disability. The representations analyzed in this paper are not seen as ideal, since they are still permeated with stereotypes such as the “good disabled person,” the use of disability to get benefits. However, we recognize the strong points, such as the integration of the character socially and in school shown in the plot, something unthinkable until a few years ago. We still have a long way to go in the pursue of a worthy representation of the disabled person, but we recognize that some valuable steps have been taken in Glee.

Bibliographic References Albrecht,G.L. [ al]. (2001); The Formation of Disability Studies. Handbook of Disability Studies. Oaks: Sage. Davis,L. (2006). Constructing normalcy: the Bell Curve, the novel, and the inventation of the disabled body in the nineteenth century. In: The Disability Studies reader. New York: Routledge. Halls,S. T. (1997). The work of representation. Representation: Cultural representations and signifying practices. London: Sage. __.(1997). The spectacle of the other : Representation: Cultural representations and signifying practices. London: Sage. Kellner, D. (2001). A Cultura da mídia. Estudos Culturais: identidade e política entre o moderno e o pós-moderno. Bauru: Edusc. Skiliar,C. (2003). Pedagogia (improvável) da diferença; e se o outro não estivesse aí? Rio de Janeiro: DP&A.


Abstract: In this paper we present an analytical protocol labored from the Du Gay’s circuit of culture (1997), to its applicability to studies on television. Having as flagships two surveys conducted by us, we perceive, on one hand, the representations of Gaucho on television the use of stereotypes of gender and sexuality, guiding a type of regional identity socially accepted, and on the other hand, the use of technology by soap opera receptors, the reiteration of old habits and speeches. In general, the two examples show that only took a reallocation of the place where it gives the manifestation of a type of recolonization of ways of being of individuals. Keywords: Circuit of culture, Television, Recolonizations; Modes of being. 1. Introduction This article proposes an analytical protocol returned to television studies, recognizing the epistemological legitimacy of Cultural Studies (EC) to guide research in communication, and is through theoretical and methodological framework from the Du Gay’s circuit of culture (1997). For this purpose, we established hypothesis of research cultural nature of television and its instances of production, circulation and consumption. This implies founding the debate on television within what Giroux points (1995, p 98.) as the definition of EC contemporaries: “the study of the production, reception and situated use of various texts, and how they structure social relations, values ​​and notions of community, the future and the various definitions of self. “ In this sense, our objective is to present an analytical instrument that reflects on the axes that compose the circuit of culture proposed by Du Gay et al. (1997) - representation, identity, production, consumption and regulation - to indicate the specifics of contemporary Brazilian television as the hegemonic thought has been reiterated through discursive representations that reinforce ethnic stereotypes, gender, citizenship, and many others, guiding thus socially “desirable”, and adjusting the culture under which parameters from the production are destined for consumption. The postcolonial term, which places us in a “force field of power-knowledge” (Hall 2003, p.119), it is useful to the notion of how developed the idea of ​​ modernity applied to peripheral societies: the first, when formed as colonies, in the confrontation between conquerors and natives; going through tense negotiations postcolonialism not excluded imperialism (including cultural), up to the present relations that traverse, circumvent or simply moving


Circuit of culture: a way of analyzing the recolonizations of ways of being in the context of contemporary Brazilian television Ana Carolina Damboriarena Escosteguy1, Ana Luiza Coiro Moraes2 & Flavi Ferreira Lisbôa Filho3 PUCRS e UFSM, Brazil

1 PhD in Communication Sciences from the University of São Paulo (2000). Professor at the Pontifical Catholic University of Rio Grande do Sul (PUCRS) and researcher at the National Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq). Postdoc in Camri (Communication and Media Research Institute (UK) [email protected] 2 PhD in Communications from the Pontifical Catholic University of Rio Grande do Sul (PUCRS). Post doctorate in Communication and Culture from the Federal University of Bahia (UFBa). Visiting Professor at the Graduate Program in Communication, Federal University of Santa Maria (UFSM). [email protected] com 3 PhD in Communication Sciences from the University of Vale do Rio dos Sinos (UNISINOS). Associate Professor of Department and Graduate Program in Communication of Federal University of Santa Maria. Chief of the Department of Communication Sciences. [email protected]

Circuit of culture: a way of analyzing the recolonizations of ways of being in the context of contemporary Brazilian television || Ana Carolina Damboriarena Escosteguy, Ana Luiza Coiro Moraes & Flavi Ferreira Lisbôa Filho

what was meant by “periphery” and “center”. Then the debate over the entry of Brazilian culture in modernity because the globalization of markets (including cultural) brought in its wake an ‘Americanization’ of the world as an inclination of civil society (Canclini, 1999, p 65). , we think that the “Eurocentrism” of the colonial period as only moved to another place, where today gives the recolonization of the conditions and regimes of cultural production. Hall (2003, p 59.) although also recognizing that globalization is, ideologically, “governed by a global neoliberalism that rapidly becomes the common sense of our age”, it perceives “a homogenizing process, in the very words of Gramsci”, which is “’structured in dominance’, but it cannot control or saturate everything within its orbit.” for him, “this argument becomes crucial considering how and where the resistance and counter strategies can be developed successfully”. That way, we direct our reflection to the joints of the circuit of culture research come under our driving adding to the initial Du Gay et al indications. (1997), to identify “dominant structures” in the production, representation, identity, consumption and regulation of cultural processes, in the belief that by pointing them are promoting alternatives emancipation from that debate begins in the academic ambience, but it must not terminate. This one does, given the brevity of the lack of space, presenting emblematic examples that identify some of the re colonization of ways of being associated with the Brazilian television. 2. Introducing the circuit of culture The Paul du Gay’s proposal of the culture of circuit (1997) 1 is developed from the study of the Walkman as a cultural artifact, articulating consumption, production, regulation, identity and representation, without privileging any of these axes to examine the meanings attributed to cultural products, considering them, rather, inseparable from notion of circuit. Remember that this is a circuit. It does not matter much where the circuit initiates, since you have to do all around, before the study is complete. Further, each part taken the circuit reappears next. Then, started with the representation, the representation becomes an element in the next part, that is, how identities are constructed. And so on. We separate these parts of the circuit in different sections, but in the real world they continually overlap and intertwine in complex and contingent (DU GAY ET AL., 1997, p. 4, our translation) mode.

According to Du Gay et al. (1997), the representation refers to symbolic systems constructed within language, such as text and images involved in the production of a cultural artifact or product, that is, in a socially organized transformation which occurs in certain forms or means production. And these systems within the representations, generate identities attached to them and have a regulating effect on social life, promoting consumption. The graphic image of this circuit corresponds to Figure 1:

This brief presentation of the culture of Du Gay et al 1 Paul Du Gay, Stuart Hall, Linda James, Hugh MacKay e Keith Negus.


FIGURE 1 – Circuit of culture Source: Du Gay et al. (1997, p. 3)

Circuit of culture: a way of analyzing the recolonizations of ways of being in the context of contemporary Brazilian television || Ana Carolina Damboriarena Escosteguy, Ana Luiza Coiro Moraes & Flavi Ferreira Lisbôa Filho

circuit. (1997), emphasize and we pause, then, in two instances in which research that we conducted acted to working axes originally presented by the authors, taking into account what we are calling recolonizations ways of being: 1) In instance of representation, which point the discourse of television operates through stereotypes in distinguishing regional identities; 2) in the instance of the reception, where we identify a new technology to promote the inclusion of subjects in the sphere of production of media content, the content of which, however nothing innovative with respect to the usual comments from audience soap operas. 3. Working with the circuit of culture We begin with the axis of regulation, which corresponds to the notion of regulation, that is, laws, norms and conventions by which social practices are ordered and cultural policies are implemented, whose scope can include both universal right to “seek, receive and broadcast information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers”2, as specific national laws as establishing the concession of radio and television in Brazil. This, although it is largely a technical matter of allocation of frequencies in the electromagnetic spectrum to avoid interference in transmissions, assumes political character, as the current debate on the prohibition of media concessions to holders of elective offices and groups bonded to churches3. In this sense, there is a clear connection in the cultural circuit between instances of regulation and production, in relation to the means of production articulated to resources within the technology. For Hall (1997), the sphere of culture is governed both by the tendency to regulation as deregulation, it may be associated, in the first case, the State, and the second, to the market. In both situations, the culture is regulated by economic and pressure groups, as well as structures of power, and is in intimate association with the mode of economic production and forms of consumption. Thus, at the same time there is a “government of culture”, there is the occurrence of a reverse movement: “regulation through culture”. We emphasize two of these forms of regulation identified by Hall (1997): the rules which guide human action through rules associated with existing conventions in culture, and which directly affects the constitution of the ways of being and thus identities, because it seeks to the subject internalize conducts, norms and rules and adjusted himself. It is in this sense that the effective power of the media, whose representations penetrate the modes of being of the subject. The representation corresponds to the association of meanings to particular cultural product, and this is viable mainly through language, one of the main means of representation in culture. For Du Gay et al. (1997) is through culture that things “make sense”, and the “work of meaning” is by how we represent. They still alert that “language is not understood by only the written or spoken words. Want to say any system of representation - photography, painting, speaking, writing, images made through technology, design [...] “(… DU GAY ET AL, 1997, p 13 [our translation]). Woodward indicates that the processes involved in the production of meanings are engendered through “systems of representation” connected with the different positions assumed by the subjects inside symbolic systems responsible for “classificatory structures” “that provide sense to life and the right order social life and fundamental distinctions - between us and them, between the outside and the inside, between the sacred and the profane, between male and female - that are at the center of the 2 Paragraph XIX of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the General Assembly of the United Nations, signed on December 10, 1948. Available in Accessed 23.out.2013. 3 “The proposed draft law (PL) which regulates the functioning of the media, known as the Law of the Democratic Media, was launched today (22), the Chamber of Deputies by the National Forum for Democratization of Communication (BDNF).” Agency Brazil, 08.22.2013, available in Accessed 20.out.2013.


Circuit of culture: a way of analyzing the recolonizations of ways of being in the context of contemporary Brazilian television || Ana Carolina Damboriarena Escosteguy, Ana Luiza Coiro Moraes & Flavi Ferreira Lisbôa Filho

culture systems of signification “(WOODWARD, 2000, pp. 67-68. ). Such systems produce what Hall (1997b) calls “representations of difference,” the notion of otherness which can lead to the production of stereotypes, which involved feelings, attitudes and emotions are. Example of the articulation of these concepts to the analysis of television is the research regional media: gauchidade and televisual format in Galpão Crioulo (Lisboa Filho, 2009). In Brazil, to we treat the representation of televisual regional gaucho identity, is necessary to consider the constitution of the gaucho4 passes by the official history, but it was literature and cinema that have forged as mythologized hero and gloried, especially in Farroupilha’s Week5. Other elements were rescued, adapted, also created or invented by radio and television, which endowed them with symbolism and an almost mythical aura capable of enchant and seduce, populate the popular imaginary and contribute in the formation of regional representation and popular culture South of Brazil. Among the different media narratives that tell the gaucho history, however, is possible to check legitimizations the exaltation of bravery, bellicosity, pride, family value, masculinity, among other values of such consolidated form that appear in more or less scale in television program Galpão Crioulo6 - GC. These brands and characterizations even if caricatured or stereotypical, are retrieved and raised by presenters GC when they tell a story, a legend, a poem which refers to town hosts the show, an illustrious citizen or a local event. The thematic contextualization found in GC configured in representations which have a strong identification with the public, they present the gaucho who exists in the popular imaginary with practical, symbolic values ​​and an entire set that rescued and reinforced if updates on individual attitudes and in this collective. The GC provides a representation of a ‘gauchity’ transiting between the traditions and histories of the state, selected and recreated in the media context to achieve the public taste. Concerning the concept of representation, it is necessary to still register its operation as an analytical tool has been presented in various studies in communication articulated the issue of contemporary identities. Central issue in the EC, cultural identity comes basing research involving issues of gender, class, race, and ethnicity, and modernity confrontations as modernity x postmodernity, local x global, etc.. Hall (., 2003, p 108-109) argues that the identity process is connected with what can become subjects, as they have been represented and how the figuration organizes how they can represent themselves: “[identities] not are never singular but multiply constructed along discourses, practices and positions that can intersect or be antagonistic. “ We observed that in the case of Rio Grande do Sul all the state media operates in an articulated way, including the location - but also the national / global - and therefore feeding the symbolic system of the imaginary mythical gaucho that makes up your identity through the cultural products they make available. In his speech, GC legitimizes the roles and effects of perpetuator and watchful of the gaucho identity. There, it’s possible envision the coexistence of traces of tradition and contemporaneity, even when the latter appears on a smaller scale. The images bring children, young and elderly, men and women, old and new, in a process which does not appear to exclusion, even if it is inherent in the media and especially television process. It 4 Gaucho who is born in the state of Rio Grande do Sul in Southern Brazil. There is also the Argentine gaucho or Uruguayan, also from the amalgamation between the Iberian and indigenous cultures. The typical gaucho is local farms and the peculiarities of their lifestyles forming a regional identity. 5 The Farroupilha Week is the maximum event of the gaucho culture with parades in honor of the Revolution Farroupilha (or Farrapos), regional revolution against the imperial government of Brazil, from September 20, 1835 at 1 º March 1845. 6 The Galpão Crioulo is a program created in 1982 by RBS TV, an affiliate of Rede Globo Television, whose base is musical, but can present interviews, declamations, pajadas, dances, among other manifestations regional identity. Until 1984 the program was recorded in the studio, then acquired the characteristic of itinerant, traveling across the state and in this period also became recorded live.


Circuit of culture: a way of analyzing the recolonizations of ways of being in the context of contemporary Brazilian television || Ana Carolina Damboriarena Escosteguy, Ana Luiza Coiro Moraes & Flavi Ferreira Lisbôa Filho

should be said that the GC has a very strong identity with the gauchos, which is already consolidated in the enunciative logical that repeat in the discursive strategies and their format. The axis of production refers to the act or result of socially organized materials processing in a certain way. As shown in the proposed Du Gay et al. (1997), this axis has an instance which matches the conditions or means of production of cultural artifact that constitutes the object of study (the Sony Walkman). Conditions or means of production, however we added a second instance, textual analysis, in search of an analytical category which give account of linguistic and communicative achievements of television productions, working with the symbolic material that is organized under certain means of capitalist production and under the logic of contemporary technological resources. Commenting Walter Benjamin’s7 essay Du Gay et al. (. 1997, pp. 21-24) refers to the use of technology (the third point of production), considering Benjamin talked of a “mechanical” reproducibility, whose impact was felt in the art fading its aura; new technologies at the service of cultural production promote one kind of reproducibility “electronics”, one can notice that a cultural artifact as the Walkman, which is not only an essential part of the survival kit of young people, is a testament to the high value the culture of late modernity is situated in mobility. And this mobility is both real and symbolic. The Walkman fits a world where people are literally moving more. But it is also designed for a world in which social mobility of individuals with respect to their social group also increased. The Walkman maximizes individual choice and flexibility. (DU GAY ET AL., 1997, p. 24, our translation)

The actual profusion of cell phones, iPhones, iPads, iPods etc.. indicates that Walkman was only the beginning of a kind of reproducibility technology which contemporaneously is exacerbated in networks of distribution content. Television, for example, frees from the restrictions of the channels in an open network, reaching programming grids which multiply in the countless pay channels. The “privatized home,” to which Williams (2011 [1974]) refers to Television, is part of a “mobile privatization” process, in which the house becomes the place where converge the technological means that work there as household appliances. Meanwhile, this “mobile privatization ‘begins to transform from the moment at which the new digital platforms, particularly miniaturized, now permit the privatization of new environments. The possibility of watching television at home ceases to be the only alternative to the individual contact with a world away from his daily reality. Both the domestic environment as television lose their singular condition (CAMPANELLA, 2008, p. 4-5).

The meaning of these changes in technological order cannot be underestimated in the sphere of consumption, particularly in studies of reception, especially because more than the incorporation of new technologies, such transformations influenced the abilities of receptors, now they are able to create content and capable transiting across multiple platforms. The consumption is the axis of the circuit of culture where the production completes the senses, through the “set of sociocultural processes that take place in the appropriation and uses of products” (Canclini, 1999, p. 77). Consumption occurs in the plane of sharing meanings attributed to goods, products and services by members of a society where owning a computer “next generation” or the signature of a system of pay TV channels becomes an element of social distinction because “the consumer builds part of integrative and communicative rationality of a society” (Canclini, 1999, p 80 -. emphasis author). 7 BENJAMIN, Walter. The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction. In: ADORNO et al. Theory of Mass Culture. São Paulo: Paz e Terra, 2000. p. 221-254.


Circuit of culture: a way of analyzing the recolonizations of ways of being in the context of contemporary Brazilian television || Ana Carolina Damboriarena Escosteguy, Ana Luiza Coiro Moraes & Flavi Ferreira Lisbôa Filho

Under the point of view of this “communicative rationality” it is possible place consumption as an activity of social actors is not restricted to specific decoding a message issued. This is, therefore despoil itself of the need to comprehend “the audience”, because what counts is “the intellectual, critical and continuous engagement with the varied ways in which we are constituted through media consumption” (ANG, 1996 p. 52) However, if the studies of reception are still relatively recent - the boom of this kind of research occurs in the 1980s, under the premise of the EC that the media messages are opened cultural forms and that the audience is composed by agents producers of sense - contemporaneously there are other vertices problematize this type of research. Natansohn (2008, p. 7) points two problems for research of reception in the internet, requesting a type of revision or adaptation of analytical frameworks of this research under the rubric of the EC, as it emerged under the shadow of the mass media such as radio and TV. In the first place, the author indicates the irreducible distance between instances of production and consumption today is relativized by the “ability to self-publishing, collaborative writing and participative journalism [...] propitiated in telematic networks”. Secondly, it signals a profound alteration from the classic idea of​​ “mass public” in the context of internet, since “the relationship between receptors and environment customize itself: one speaks of “human-computer interaction” and not already “environment- public”(NATANSOHN, 2008, p. 7). The internet convenes the participation of subjects in a way that is beyond merely acting as producers of meaning and so, we point out the need to include problematization about: technology / protagonism of the subjects. It because, from one side, the desire to participate the sphere of reception / consumption in the production instance is not new - Meyer (2005) says that the authors of serials arrived letters from readers with suggestions of all kinds, from return of the characters to changes in the storyline - on the other hand, from social media more than active individuals in media consumption, the receptors are becoming producers of content in potential. In the microblog Twitter, for example, to comment and discuss matters relating to the soap opera Avenue Brazil8, discourse of receptors assumes a character of release. Social media work, in fact, as a “layer” of traditional media - including TV - and in the case of soap opera Avenue Brazil, this part of a self-organization by the users and not by the broadcaster. [...] The hashtag # AvenidaBrasil gets to be among the most talked about topics of Twitter almost every day and when it is not the hashtag containing the name of the soap opera are the names of the characters that are in vogue. (Santos And Moraes COIRO 2012, p. 205)

The soap opera had 7000 mentions on Twitter in just 24 hours9. In data collection (30 posts on Twitter with the hashtag # AvenidaBrasil, in a month of observation), the authors perceived a pattern and repetition in tweets among users, which led to three categories: critical, humorous and dissemination/compliments. Example of critical tweet was “It’s midnight and the damn tag # AvenidaBrasil not out of TTs> (.”; Humorous, “This Carminha is more fake than teacher’s “ good luck “ or salesgirl’s “was gorgeous in you” # AvenidaBrasil!” and diffusion/compliments “# AvenidaBrasil today was exciting, getting better ...” These tweets generate dissemination because others retweet posts and comment, is to criticize, praise or just agree. The posts under the hashtag # AvenidaBrasil become a way to get visibility and thus increase the subjects’ social capital, from the ordinary interlocutors of author become protagonists of a discourse whose content, however, is not much different from the 8 The soap opera Avenida Brasil was produced and aired by Globo TV on 26 March 2012 to 19 October 2012. 9 The site UOL TV cites research firm Seekr monitoring social networks. available in


Circuit of culture: a way of analyzing the recolonizations of ways of being in the context of contemporary Brazilian television || Ana Carolina Damboriarena Escosteguy, Ana Luiza Coiro Moraes & Flavi Ferreira Lisbôa Filho

letters of readers serials. That is, the advent of technology changes the very status of the reception, but it seems to walk away from with respect to the modes of being of the subject. Thus, summarizing this effort through the Du Gay’s et al circuit of culture (1997) organize an analytical protocol to television, sketches in Figure 2 below, the proposed circuit labored by the instances listed here, with the reservation that it is only as an exercise, since the analytical process is determined the particular objects of study of each research. IDENTIDADE ↕ Regional

Condições/ meios de




→Análise textual ↘ Tecnologia

REGULAÇÃO↔Desregulação e Retomada da




↕Tecnologia ↔ Protagonismo dos sujeitos

Figura 2 – O circuito da cultura para mídias audiovisuais Fonte: a autora

Final Considerations Even though two examples explore different facets of the circuit of culture proposed by Du Gay et al, and are not fully described, what it is intended here highlight research on television gain in amplitude and complexity if to assume that integrate different protocols elements - producers, representations, technologies, receptors / consumers - and moments - production, circulation, reception, consumption. In this sense, the proposal outlined advances in relation to earlier work to identify other protocols suggest that this intention (ESCOSTEGUY, 2007). Firstly, because it operates other analytical proposition only at the time indicated. And second because it explicates incorporation of different technologies that are today umbilically linked in various cultural circuits which in turn tightens the tradition of studies of reception. Lastly, because by analyzing representations reiterates the deep association between media and formation of identities, and therefore the regulation by the culture of the modes of being. In any case, what is in evidence between the two proposals is the crucial role of symbolic dimension which extends and it is distinct moments in the circuit of culture/ communication. In the particular plan of research reported, we realized, on one hand, the representations of gaucho on television continued use of stereotypes, orienting the one kind of regional identity socially accepted and on the other side the use of technology by the soap opera receptors, the reiteration of old habits and discourses. In general, the two examples show that only took a reallocation of the place where it gives the manifestation of a type of recolonization of ways of being of the subjects.


Circuit of culture: a way of analyzing the recolonizations of ways of being in the context of contemporary Brazilian television || Ana Carolina Damboriarena Escosteguy, Ana Luiza Coiro Moraes & Flavi Ferreira Lisbôa Filho

Bibliographic References Campanella, Bruno. (2008). Aprendendo com as dificuldades: reflexões sobre uma etnografia virtual com os fãs de um conteúdo multiplataforma. XXXI Congresso Brasileiro de Ciências da Comunicação, Natal, 2 a 6 [Url:, accessed on 20/10/13]. Canclini, Nestor García. (1999 [1995]). Consumidores e cidadãos: conflitos multiculturais da globalização. Rio de Janeiro: Editora UFRJ. Du Gay [et al]. [1997]. Doing Cultural Studies: The Story of the Sony Walkman. London: Sage. Eecosteguy, Ana Carolina D. (2007). Circuitos de cultura/circuitos de comunicação: um protocolo analítico de integração da produção e recepção. Revista Comunicação, Mídia e Consumo: São Paulo, 4 (11), p. 115-135. Giroux, Henry A. (1995). Praticando estudos culturais nas faculdades de educação. In: Silva, Tomaz T. da (org.) Alienígenas na sala de aula: uma introdução aos estudos culturais em educação. Rio de Janeiro: Vozes. Hall, Stuart. (1997). The centrality of culture: notes on the cultural revolutions of our time. In Thompson, Kenneth (org.). Media and Cultural Regulation. Londres: Sage.. p. 207-238. ___________. (1997). Representation. Cultural Representations and Signifyng Practises. London, Thousand Oaks, New Delhi: Sage/Open University. ___________. (2003). Da diáspora: identidades e mediações culturais. Belo Horizonte: Editora UFMG. Lisbôa Filho, Flavi Ferreira. (2013). Mídia Regional: formatos da gauchidade televisual no Galpão Crioulo (tese doutorado). [Url: do?select_action=&co_obra=158176, accessed on 10/11/2013]. Meyer, Marlyse. (1996). O folhetim: uma história. São Paulo: Cia. das Letras. Natansohn, Graciela L. (2013) O que há e o que falta nos estudos sobre recepção e leitura na web? Revista E-Compós, vol. 10, 2007. [Url: view/191/192, accessed on 20/10/2013]. Santos, Gabriela e Coiro Moraes, Ana Luiza.(2013). Os receptores como divulgadores da telenovela Avenida Brasil no Twitter. In Anais Digitais da I Jornada Gaúcha de Recepção. Porto Alegre: 2012. p. 196-206. [Url:, accessed on 21/10/2013]. Urbim, Alice.  (2006). Informação televisiva: reportagem e documentário. São Leopoldo: Extensão Universitária. (Palestra). Williams, Raymond. 2011 [1974].Televisión: tecnología y forma cultural. Buenos Aires: Paidós.



Displacements, Diasporas e Hybridisms in Post-Colonial Contexts

Abstract: This paper addresses the transnationalization of Afro-Brazilian religions and how the everyday practices of Candomblé, analyzed through fieldwork conducted in northern Portugal, have metaphors of postcolonial processes, especially in the circularity of ideas called the Black Atlantic (Atlântico Negro), where representations and images of Brazil, Africa and Portugal are part of the religious language.

The discovery of Portugal. A trip to an afflicted country Joana Bahia

Introduction I came to the country on March 7, 20111 in the middle of a political crisis and a few days before the resignation of Prime Minister Jose Socrates (which occurred on March 23) and the reverberations around the visit of former President, Luis Ignacio da Silva and president Dilma Rousseff , which occurred on March 30, 2011, inducted as an honorary doctorate from the University of Coimbra at this occasion. Transport strikes schedule by left parties and demonstrations of various orders were occurring almost daily in Greater Lisbon. I witnessed the march of 60 000 participants on March 12 between Marques de Pombal Square until Rossio, the protest was against issues in education, at work , the poor social security and especially against the high unemployment rate among youths aged 18 to 35. Students were tired of graduating from universities, but end up working as cashiers for ‘Pingo Doce’ supermarket, competing in the trade and service areas with immigrants, especially Brazilians. Many were inspired by a song of the Portuguese musical group Deolinda, called “Silly I am”, where already at the first verses it declares: “What a silly world, where to be a slave one must study.” Different generations where seeing themselves at a concerned country and organized without money through social media by three young Portuguese ladies, which had no breath to move forward. Civil society still organizes slowly for possible answers. Strangely, at this day, I didn’t see the presence of any organization that deal with immigrants. With the visit of Brazilian presidents, the Portuguese pride on the streets, especially among older generations, was shaken by 1 At the time I wrote this article, I was working as a senior visiting researcher at the Institute of Social Sciences of the University of Lisbon (2010/2011 and 2013). I am PhD in Social Anthropology PPGAS / National Museum and an associated professor at the State University of Rio de Janeiro. Thanks respectively to the institutional support from the Institute of Social and the financial support from Gulbenkian Foundation/ Portugal and Faperj /Rio de Janeiro. Currently I coordinate the project ‘The romantic drive in trance’ in Brazil. A comparative study of Afro-Brazilian religions in Germany and Portugal, which obtained funding from this institution.


The discovery of Portugal. A trip to an afflicted country || Joana Bahia

some comments in the Portuguese media about the possibility of Portugal getting a debt from Brazil. Why borrow from Brazilians? That was one of the keynotes in taverns and alleyways of Lisbon and Caparica (another area with a high concentration of Brazilians). Meanwhile Brazilians here thought about returning, “will it be viable to return after so many years away from Brazil? Back to an economy that always betrayed us? And to where? To a lost city in the middle of the Brazilian state of Rondônia ?” Remember that many Brazilian immigrants leave towns that are barely found in Brazilians maps see us questions and become enchanted by the “Metropolis” of Lisbon. With time, Brazilians do the tough return and others rethink how libertarian was the movement to migrate own and therefore, it was not worth going back. The freedom to be another Brazilian, with another religion, with new sexual orientations, more freedom and rights that may not exist in Brazil . Migration is not a simple reflection of economic need, but a complex phenomenon that gathers many facets, including the personal and emotional order. These questions were part of my first weeks as an immigrant and as a researcher on migration and religions. At this time, questions were conjugated in the present tense. But many other Portugals arise since then, which were not only result of a political and economic crisis, but it was a result from what was happening in the sphere of migrations, trades and cultural habits. In a few years time after some laws were adopted, reflecting dynamic changes that were not only echoes of management changes in the country2 , but it also involved the presence of new migratory groups that has slowly been part of the urban , cultural and political scene of the city . We do not see Portuguese in the metros and buses, but Rastafarians, Africans, Brazilians, Russians, different groups from East Europe and at a lesser extent, gypsies. Along with the economic crisis in the country, we got an economy of immigrants that generates millions of Euros and social dynamics in neighborhoods like São Jorge de Arroios. Portugal has become in a few decades a huge Martim Muniz with its multi-ethnic trade and multi religious. And new generations of Portuguese got new looks and new languages . They changed color, clothing and recreated themselves from their own wishes and vague certainties and the ways they read and review its relations with others culture. And how does the religious scenario help to think about it? Many migrants from African countries arrived in Portugal back in the late 70s, after the period of the colonial wars, which were followed in the 80s and 90s by the Brazilian, Eastern European and Indian immigrants. The different nationalities who immigrated to Portugal until the mid1990s, found a certain order which they joined, mainly due to the fact that until 1998 the majority of immigration to Portugal was composed by people from former colonies (Machado; 2006:119). The presence of immigrants from Palop (African Countries with Portuguese as Official Language) and from Brazil to Portugal, largely facilitated the continuity of colonial thinking. This continuity resulted in the reconstruction of Portugal from the old imperial order, now reorganized based on immigrant populations. Immigration has changed the face of Lisbon, transforming the city into locus of a multiethnic and multicultural society, not only in a religious sense. The new religions emerge at a time that they are protected by the law of religious freedom, enacted in 2001, and the context that the country is becoming less Catholic and more atheist. At this time, Portugal has Jewish, Islamic groups, evangelical churches (Igreja de Nazaré) , various Pentecostal and neo-Pentecostal (including 2 It is worth remembering the importance and the impact of the following laws: Religious Freedom Law in Portugal » Law nº 16/2001; Law that allows the same-sex civil marriage » Law nº 9/2010 of May 31st; Law that legalizes the Voluntary Interruption of Pregnancy (IVG) up to 10 weeks, if requested by the woman » Law nº 16/2007 (April 17) approved in June, 2007 and the Law of drugs decriminalization in Portugal » Law nº 30/2000 of November 29 (started in 01/07/2001).


The discovery of Portugal. A trip to an afflicted country || Joana Bahia

the Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus/IURD, Assembléia de Deus and Maná) , some African churches (quimbandistas) and animist practices brought by a variety of African migrants . Besides that, the Afro- brazilian religions : Candomblé and Umbanda . There is a significant presence of Brazilians in the so called evangelical, Pentecostal and neoPentecostal churches. Many used to concentrate themselves in these churches, which are becoming gradually empties due to the return of Brazilians to their country of origin. The variables class, gender, flow and time of migration interfere in the Pentecostal field, which lead to a great dynamic in the last ten years. We have then: Congregation (90% Brazilians, 10% Portuguese , they do not use TV or radio, its advertising is all done by word of mouth, they do not charge tithes, priests and workers are not employed in the church and at no time they speak about money in the Church); Adventist ; Baptist; God is love (mostly Brazilians , then Africans and later Portuguese, and finally gypsies); Maná (Brazilians and Portugueses, it has a TV channel and all its image area is staffed by Brazilians); the IURD (more Portugueses than Brazilians , once it became an expensive church guy, inaccessible to this portion of the Brazilian immigration) , and World Church of the Power of God (born from IURD) . “Transnational” Spirits Afro-brazilian religions came to Portugal in the late 70s of the twentieth century, with the social opening through the law of religious freedom established with echoes of the April 25, 1974 revolution. According to Ismael por deus, Mother Virginia was a pioneer, a Portuguese that migrated to Rio de Janeiro in the late 40s, where she began in Umbanda3, and brought the religion to Portugal. There was an intensification of Umbanda and Candomblé in the last decade of the last century, period in which some Brazilians landed in Portugal and settled as priests, especially from the 80s and so, with the intensification of flows of Brazilian migrants. Besides the cultural and social changes seen in the country since the political opening and the arrival of waves of migrants of various nationalities (African, Brazilian and Eastern European) and religiousness, Portuguese culture approached their pagan practices that were long dormant. In this sense, syncretic practices from both cultures favored a wide field of appropriations. Despite the economic crisis present in various countries of Europe, we got a diversified religious market with rapidly development. There was an increase in the number of Candomblé “terreiros” (cult house) from north to south, as despite the success of Umbanda in Portugal, there was a greater legitimacy of power and strength of these candomblé “terreiros”, as to reach the candomblé, means to reach a higher stage (Capone; 2009). We got both Brazilians who brought the religion to Portugal, and the Portuguese who seek it here a lot, as well as the ones who picked it there. Also Africans, that migrated to Portugal and look forward to maintaining their religiosity. The assimilation by Eastern European people is very recent. The diversity of Brazilian immigration also reflects the religious diversity and many Brazilians are attracted by the tolerance of Afro-brazilian religions in respect to the presence of homosexuals, transvestites , transsexuals (especially the segment related to prostitution, especially those who occupy the most marginalized strata of immigration) in countries where the presence of majority of evangelical churches condemns these forms of sexual options. 3 Umbanda is a religon created in the 20s in the city of Rio de Janeiro, being considered, due its extremely syncretic character, a Brazilian religion by excellence, appropriating elements of Kardecism, Catholicism as well as Indigenous and African influences. Umbanda incorporates and worships entities, spirits and non-gods: qualities of exus, pombas giras, caboclos, baianos, pretos velhos, boiadeiros, sailors and people from the East. It does not incorporate the orixás. Umbanda entities are archetypes of Brazilian society, linked to historic and cultural aspects of the country.


The discovery of Portugal. A trip to an afflicted country || Joana Bahia

There is a variety of situations that show the transnational circuit of people, objects and symbolic goods between Brazil , Portugal and other countries as well . We got Brazilian and Portuguese ‘fatherof-saint’ which maintain links with their respective saints’ families, being these represented by ilês (cult house) where they started , or also with Brazilians (their family members), who migrated in the 80s and were in various European countries. With the migration in the 70s and the 80s of Brazilians and Africans to Europe, particularly to Portugal and the successive crises in Portugal, migration flows tend to make it this game more complex. Portuguese going to work in Africa, Venezuela and Brazil, Brazilians going to France, Germany or even returning to Brazil, and also in the circuits of Africans, there is a real mix of situations. This is the transiting of people and spirits. The presence of entities is only real for religious and unreal for the researchers; it shows that although the spirits being part of the person, this is not the reality described. By basing myself on the work of Hayes (2011), Boyer (1993) and Wafer (1991), I realized what I would first call an “ethnography of spirits”, i.e., I focus on the effects and the products of possession for its practitioners4, and I also look forward to understanding how the ritual practices are made, in order to identify not only appropriations and syncretism , but also how do we get in religious language, postcolonial metaphors involving representations of the circularity of symbols in the so called Black Atlantic (Gilroy, 2001). Then, I followed the spirit of the caboclo (indigenous spirit) Pena Dourada (Golden Feather), in order to realize the circularities of some religious practices in both countries, especially Brazil and Portugal. Remember that the spirits of Umbanda speak an archaic Portuguese, especially the caboclos, spirits of Brazilian Indians, considered to be the first inhabitants of Brazil, who used to speak Guarani before the arrival of the Portuguese. The caboclo refers to Portugal as Putamagal, an allusion to the idea that he came before the putamagaleses, a fine irony of those who migrated along with his horse (the one that he incorporates), denoting the vision of a Brazilian Indian in Lusitanian lands. And at his ritual practice, he carries the Brazilian flag on his back, representing the weight of someone who carries the nation and the identity. The caboclos are the owners of the land, the first inhabitants of the forest and the Brazilian woods (Teles , 1995 ). First the caboclos coming from Aruanda , located in Congo , but when it was destroyed, they migrated to Angola , a new Aruanda . But also inhabitants of Brazil, along with the ‘preto velho’ (spirit of an African slave in umbanda), they planted the axé (the sacred force concentrated in objects and initiates), and then came the putamagaleses. Despite the initial idea of a utopian nationalist sentiment, we see uncountable caboclos and a chance - why not to say, to incorporate - foreign element. May be from Aruanda, Congo, in Brazil or in Putamagal . Unlike the orixás, which are fixed in number, the caboclos are endless. Despite the nationalist tone in which they are first associated, there is a sense of “universal brotherhood” where non-indigenous and non-Brazilians spirits can be incorporated. As Wafer ( 55), “perhaps the etymological link between the caboclo and the mixture of races makes the caboclo tradition a symbolic vehicle for the incorporation of foreign elements in Candomblé”. If on one hand circulates ideas about Brazil, Africa, new Congos and Aruandas when the caboclo goes to Portugal, on the other hand, incorporating other nationalities brings suspicion of the legitimacy of the original ritual practice, maintained by the axé that remained in Brazil, as settlements, ebós and witchery there were brought by slaves. And from there, they did not return to Africa and return to 4 I agree with Birman (2005) when he states that valorizing the médiums’ point of view, allows a better comprehension of gender and space given to the sexuality, theme that I developed in the field and in an article still not published yet.


The discovery of Portugal. A trip to an afflicted country || Joana Bahia

Portugal due to Brazilian migration5. But this story does not end there... Pordeus (2009) shows the existence of Portuguese spirits, like the famous Sailor Agostinho. In some cases, ‘pretos velhos’ and caboclos can assume “hidden” Portuguese entities, i.e., if they pretend to be Brazilians in order to be accepted and incorporated in the worship. Incorporating a Brazilian spirit gives a certain legitimacy and authenticity to the religious practice, as many find it suspicious (especially some Brazilian ‘fathers- of-saint’) the fact they have incorporated another “nationality”6. Kindly called of samba by the Caboclo Pena Dourada (Golden Feather), Ana Cambona (Portuguese of African origin) or the one that does not incorporate and help spirits in communicating with people - brought her faith in St. Cyprian into the terreiro, fruit of her spiritual life within country Portugal when she returned from Africa, she took a witch as spiritual mother. Since then, St. Cyprian travels a lot. One aspect of deployment of Afro-Brazilian religions in Portugal is the reordering of popular Portuguese religious experiences where they operate. Despite the decline of Catholicism in the country7, it does not mean that there is no reorganization of what is Catholic in this sense, AfroBrazilian religions contribute with this task8. Quick conclusion: May 13 with a plenty of cod fish and feijoada (Brazilian typical dish made of black beans and pork) . Prakash (1995) shows the effects of the deconstruction of master narratives that placed Europe in the center of knowledge standards and social identities that were authorized by colonialism and Western domination. In this view, the idea of post colonial is neither located in nor out of the European history, but on a tangential position. That is a situation “in between”, as stated Bhabha (2001), a practice and negotiation situation. The cultural negotiation between groups is what interests us to understand how Portugal is recreated by the Brazilian Caboclo and how Portuguese and Africans will rewrite Africa having or not Brazil as an intermediate (at least in the religiously plan covered here)? Obviously we got a large internal differentiation and in this sense, it worth considering all: Portuguese born in Portugal, Brazil and / or Africa. The complexity of identity, history and politics, makes distinct a Portuguese who was born in Quelimane (Mozambique), from other that has never left Lisbon. In this sense, I agree with Vale de Almeida that post-colonialism should be analyzed from the perspective of an economic and political point of view, and in this sense, I would add one more 5 Although we do not treat this issue in this work, there is a competition in the spiritual plane so Portuguese could revive certain African origin that they met, looking forward to reafricate the candomblé. 6 As a coincidence (or not), during my field work, I met many Portuguese sailors. I am not sure if in fact the colonial view predominates and also populates the spirits world. 7 According to the report made by the sociologist Alfredo Teixeira, we have decrease of Catholics and an increase of the so called non-believers. It is observed a greater religious diversity in the surroundings of Lisbon and Vale do Tejo. In the same report, it is documented a concentration of Catholics in the north region, with 43.6% in relation to the total of the sample. What I could check in my field work is that exactly in the North line there was a huge increase of Afro-brazilian religious, especially in the traditionally Catholic areas, such as Aveiro, Braga and Porto. Web page accesed in June 18, 2013: em_portugal_interpreta%C3% A7%C3%A3o.html The study was conducted by “Centro de Estudos e Sondagens de Opinião e pelo Centro de Estudos de Religiões e Culturas”, at Catholic Portuguese University and sponsored by the Portuguese Episcopal Conference. 8 Remember that the same study does not infer on Afro-Brazilian religious and that in Brazil, generally people that are affiliated to these religious, they identify themselves in census as being Catholics. There is a campaign, launched in 2010 in the city of Rio de Janeiro, promoted by Mãe Beata named ‘Quem é de axé, diz que é!’ (If you are axé, say so!), asking religious adepts to identify themselves in the census, as well as to give more visibility to it at a time of neopentecostals’ growth.


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thing: religion. The author (op.cit) agrees with Hall (2003) in the sense that the term postcolonial is useful to characterize the change in global relations that marks the unequal transition from the age of empires to the post independence period. However, the term may not only serve to describe a before and after in historical periods, but to reread colonization as part of a process which is essentially transnational and trans-local. If migrants circulate carrying their stories, they carry their spirits as well. Remember that the idea that religious transnationalization considers adaptations of practices imported in a well-defined context, their ways to “become local” and the incorporation of new systems of belief (Appadurai, 2004). The Caboclo Pena Dourada celebrates in Portugal the date of May 13 (abolition of slavery in the Brazilian official calendar, day of gira (ritual) of souls and ‘pretos velhos’, considered the spirits of slaves) following in general fests in which fathers and sons-of-saint used to participate in their ilês or in your saint ‘s family. The same caboclo called attention of his horse to make in these giras, feijoada as the main dish. Not only that this caboclo in this terreiro , but many do feijoada as the main dish (called grandma’s feijoada or grandfather’s soul), considered to be a representative dish to what the Brazilian nation as a nation made up of black slaves . And many, advised by spirits, also make bacalhau, as reports a ‘father-of-saint’ interviewed (advised by the spirit of the Caboclo Pena Dourada) , “as the spirits (eguns) migrated to another continent, we must also honor the spirits of others9.” The others are souls who circulated in this Black Atlantic and its food honor this story, as told by the caboclo, it claims its ancestry, once putamagaleses arrived later and now the same caboblo returns to Portugal, the land of his horse’s grandmother (who incorporates him and that in some way also transports him between the New and the Old World). Many Portuguese who started in the religion evoke real or imaginary elements, consisted of an African descendant origin; this may explain an almost natural predisposition to the practices of religions considered no more Afro-Brazilian, but African. As Halloy (2001-2002) states, there is the explanation of a Belgian ‘father-of- saint’ that legitimates his religious choice due to the fact that Congo was Belgian, so African. Brazil is seen as Candomblé’s first place, which guarantees them legitimacy , especially in light of other Axés or Brazilians who know their saint’s family . Many evoke Brazil as a place of “natural syncretism and mixture of peoples” and compare their own ethnic origins, reconfiguring their history with Candomblé . The syncretism explains both, this relation evoking Brazil as primeval place of the religion, as well as it may be deconstructed in an incriminating game where Brazilians, for mixing too much, lead Candomblé to lose its African originality, making it is possible for Portuguese redo this story.

9 I do not know how much of it could it be considered only an ethnic rereading, but we also have this characteristic in the terreiro studied in Germany (Bahia; 2012 and 2013). In this case, in special, there is a clear racial and political discussion that relates the black to the favelado (inhabitants of shantytowns), which approaches more the politicized of German society regarding Brazilian society and the racial content of Brazilians involved with candomblé that reinterpret the same reality.


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Bibliographic References: Appadurai, A. (2004). Dimensões culturais da globalização. A modernidade sem peias. Lisboa: Editora Teorema. Bahia, J. (2012), “De Miguel Couto a Berlim: a presença do candomblé brasileiro em terras alemãs”. In Pereira, Glória Maria Santiago, Pereira, José de Ribamar Sousa (orgs.), Migração e globalização: um olhar interdisciplinar. Curitiba: Editora CRV, pp.223-244. Bahia, J. (2013). As religiões afro brasileiras em terras alemãs e suíças. Working paper ICS, Universidade de Lisboa. [Url: pdf, [s.d]]. Bhabha, Homi K. (2001). O local da cultura. Belo Horizonte: Ed. UFMG. Birman, Patricia (2005). Transes e transas: sexo e gênero nos cultos afro brasileiros, um sobrevoo. Estudos Feministas: Florianópolis, 13(2):256, pp.403-414. Boyer, Véronique. (1993). Femmes et cultes de possession au Brésil. Les compagnons invisibles. Paris: L´Harmattan. Capone, Stefania. (2009). A busca da Africa no Candomblé: tradição e poder no Brasil. Rio de Janeiro: Contra Capa Livraria / Pallas. Hall, Stuart. (2003). Da Diáspora: identidades e mediações culturais. Belo Horizonte: Ed. UFMG. Hayes, Kelly Black. (2011). Holy Harlots. Feminity, sexuality and black magic in Brazil. Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: Univesity of California Press. Halloy, Arnaud. (2001-2002). Un candomble en Belgique. Traces ethnographiques d´une tentative d´installation et ses difficultés,. Psychopathie africaine (Dakar), XXXI (1), pp.93-125. Gilroy, Paul. (2001). O atlântico negro. Rio de Janeiro, Editora 34/UCAM. Machado, Igor J. (2006). R. Imigração em Portugal. Estudos Avançados: São Paulo, USP, number 57. Pordeus Jr, Ismael (2009). Portugal em Transe. Transnacionalização das religiões afrobrasileiras: conversão e performances, Portugal. Coleção Antropologia Breve: Instituto de Ciências Sociais da Universidade de Lisboa. Prakash, Gyan. (1995). (Ed.). After colonialism: imperial histories and postcolonial displaciments. Princeton University Press. Santos, Jocélio Teles (1995). O dono da terra. O caboclo nos candomblés da Bahia. Salvador: Sarah Letras. Wafer, Jim. (1991). The taste of blood: Spirit possession in Brazilian Candomblé. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.


Abstract :This study raises questions about the search and the achievements in education and health by migrant women in multicultural contexts. It is increasingly urgent to claim social rights such as education and health for groups in conditions of social vulnerability like migrant women. Any social oppression can increase the chances of disease occurrence and the chances that basic rights of health and education become unmet. Social oppressions can also be factors that contribute so that some women start desiring and end up seeking to migrate inside or outside their countries. To deal with the challenges of living in plural societies the work in educational and health institutions has often used or needed a cultural mediator. The achievement of any rights, is associated with a wider process of empowerment of women. Although the conquest of rights is likely to be uncertain for migrants, women’s collective struggle is already a great achievement of all women who fight. Keywords: Cultural mediator; Women; Rights 1. Conditions and social mobility of women This paper raises questions about the search and the achievements of education and health of migrant women in multicultural contexts where it is increasingly pressing to claim social rights such as education and health of groups which are vulnerable like women migrants. The right to education and health cannot always be claimed by the migrant population due to the lack of: documentation, knowledge of bureaucratic procedures and cultural apparatus in the new location or society. Population mobility is linked to changes in culture, economy, politics and society as a whole. While it may be argued that migration has always been a complex and dynamic process, increasingly its transnational character is being studied because many migrants tend to return occasionally and definitely to their countries of origin (Schiller, Bausch & Blanc-Szanton, 1992). Among the various social transformations are those related to gender relations generated with the feminist movement. Therefore, the female migration is related to the new possibilities created by women in both countries of origin and the host society. The displacement of women within countries and from one country to another has become more visible. Zlotnik (2003) argues that women have been migrating with more protagonist roles than in the past being more independent from their families and often becoming heads of households. Therefore, for some time now it has been argued the need of building a gender perspective on transnational migration (Boyd, 1989 & Sutton, 1992) as well as considering that women’s employment in other locations can


Migrant women in search and achievements in educations and health: considerations of a collective struggle Isabela Cabral Félix de Sousa1 Polytechnic School of Health Joaquim Venancio - Oswald Cruz Foundation, Brazil

1 Psychologist from State University of Rio de Janeiro (1988), PhD In International/Intercultural Education from University of Southern California (1995). Has a post-doctoral training in Demography from Università Degli Studi “Sapienza” (2004). Currently works at Oswaldo Cruz Foundation as a researcher and professor. E-mail: [email protected] com

Migrant women in search and achievements in educations and health: considerations of a collective struggle || Isabela Cabral Félix de Sousa

merely reproduce the patriarchal inequality (Boyd, 1989). This gender perspective also needs to incorporate the increasing precariousness of the conditions for immigration and the impact of new communication technologies. On the one hand, not only the works contracts for migrants become increasingly fragile but also the rights to education, health and welfare are increasingly absent. On the other hand, the new communication technologies allow faster access to key information in the search for rights. It is pressing to better understand the different ways of thinking and practicing the pursuit of education and health. Even though the search for formal education is increasingly universal, the educational practices have been informed by different educational theories (traditional, critical and post-critical) which imply different relationships of teachers with their students. In general terms, the traditional theories assumes that the teacher has a central role, the critical theories give emphasizes to the emancipation of students and the post-critical theories focus on the importance of the recognition of the diverse “Other” in educational processes. In the area of health as well, there is a wide range of possibilities for traditional health practices (popular, religious, spiritual) and those renowned as scientific born from standards of Biology and Medicine. Thus, there is the need for full recognition of any person or group practicing any activity. While there may be differentiated efficacy of different health practices their ranking with different legitimacy degrees is problematic, especially for the socially disadvantaged who have more difficulty in negotiating their viewpoints and practices. Social change in education and in health will be created if the views of the underprivileged become legitimatized, especially taking into account that fairer societies assume an appreciation of egalitarian modes of being. Concerned with the social difficulties and cultural barriers faced by migrants, some governmental and non-governmental organizations work to support and integrate them. In the specific case of women, according to Batliwala (1994): “Through empowerment, women can gain access to new worlds of knowledge and can begin to make new, informed choices in both their personal and their public lives” (p.132). Pinnelli, Racioppi and Fettaroli (2003) discuss how the emancipation movements in the area of gender relations add to ideological changes in terms of the acquisition of individual autonomy in ethics, politics and religion. In fact, the female empowerment has been observed as a result of actions of non-governmental organizations in different contexts (Stromquist 1994, Lephoto 1995 & Sousa, 1995) and by the migration process itself (Sousa, 2007). 2. The difficulty of dealing with differences and the cultural importance of mediation In general, people need to be trained with skills to deal with differences. In our increasingly multicultural societies, there are constant challenges experienced in dealing with people distinctly respected according to their ethnicity, social class, gender, age, religion and nationality. Human encounters have commonly been marked by prejudice and discrimination and can occur in any human interaction. To deal with the challenges of living in unequal and plural societies the work in educational and health institutions has often used or needed a cultural mediator. The mediation can be cultural orchestrated by people who are familiar with both cultures and assist in communication. The work of a cultural mediator asks for a careful translation, but it is greater than a linguistic translation as it requires a recognition of the “Other” or groups as equals. The cultural mediator in education and health can/ should be thought of as facilitating the exchange of worldviews, knowledge and practices.  It cannot be enough emphasized that the cultural mediation is as important for the professionals as for lay people. On the one hand, there is a need for the revision of stereotypes and prejudices on


Migrant women in search and achievements in educations and health: considerations of a collective struggle || Isabela Cabral Félix de Sousa

the part of teachers and health professionals who often use technical words not understood by the majority of the population even in the same language. On the other hand, beyond language issues there may be the need for supervision of a student or to assist a patient. It may be necessary to give support in the cultural assertion of the student or the patient, helping him/her to face emotions issues and take appropriate positions to feel empowered. As a professional, the task is not simple to work with a cultural diverse population especially when there was no specific training for the teacher or health care professional. Health professionals may have myths of how people should be educated in health that may hinder the empowerment of the target population (Sousa, 2001). Thus, it is interesting that the cultural mediator in education or health can play a facilitating role as the teacher is thought in the post-critical theories. This role is essential to democratic exchanges of persons recognized as equals. This teacher’s role is neither aimed to emancipate people through education like assumed in educational critical theories, nor supposed to be the central as is envisioned by traditional educational theories (Silva, 2007). As the number of women in both health and educational professionals is usually larger than men, many women tend to assume informally the role of cultural mediator in these areas. Moreover, women are the ones who usually take care of the family. So, they can develop in these important roles noteworthy actions mediating educational processes and promoting health for themselves and for their families. Some women also play key roles outside their families. In this case, a few actively participate in social networks that may be critical to the achievement of rights such as education and health or providing job opportunities information which might also even culminate in migratory processes. 3. Oppression and female empowerment Female problems often are associated with an imbalance of power in relationships with men, and in patriarchal societies like Brazil, such problems cannot be separated from gender oppression. Poor women, mainly black or mulatto women are more affected than poor men, because they suffer the triple discrimination: race, social class and gender. Discrimination causes negative effects on the health of women and the oppression suffered by women increases their health risks (Sherwin, 1992). This oppression appears in various ways for women compared to men, such as their increased poverty (Jacobson, 1993), the violence they suffer (Heise, 1993), less job opportunities (Sorensen & Verbrugge, 1987), less access to food and health services (Khan et al. 1984), and less access to education (Fagerlind & Saga, 1989). In Brazil, although women have exceeded in numbers men in all educational levels, it continues to occur as in other countries by having discrimination within the education system (Rosemberg, 1992). These discriminations are linked to the expectations for professionalization according to gender, since boys tend to seek the most socially valued professions in technical and science fields and girls usually look for areas related to humanities, education and health, which tend to have lower financial return to the latter. The empowerment of women, especially the poorest, is crucial to the creation of a more equal society. Due to the accumulation of discrimination factors against poor women they have been seen as the population deprived and in need to gain empowerment (Stromquist, 1993) and with more potential to transform reality for having a different view than those in a privileged position (Bluter cited in Sleeter, 1991). Thus, in the life experiences of the oppressed it can be found potential elements for changing the status quo if they are used strategically to empower them. According to Freire (1993:122-123): “The revolutionary praxis can only oppose the practice of the dominant elites... To dominate, the dominator has no other way but to deny the masses the true praxis. It is denying them


Migrant women in search and achievements in educations and health: considerations of a collective struggle || Isabela Cabral Félix de Sousa

the right to have their say, to think right (my translation)”. Since very often the working poor can be manipulated by the ruling classes, it is vital that women’s empowerment is indeed meaningful for them. According to Antrobus (1989), it is not uncommon that the female empowerment may be exploited by some international agencies in order to increase women’s social attributes, and not to change their situation of subordination. The same can be done using the term multiculturalism. Delle Donne (2000) asserts: “We may find, for example, that the multiculturalism discourse translates into an attitude of pity or pseudo-egalitarian, lacking even a critical review process of ethnic stereotypes or prejudices of which the common sense is loaded, and it is expressed in the language of daily life releasing the transmission codes of the culture of origin (my translation, p . 134)”. It is very important that multiculturalism is used in order to really empower women as the most vulnerable migrants. It is interesting to distinguish Molyneux (1985) on the achievement of feminine power on practical concerns contrasted to strategic interests. According to the author, while the former provide knowledge and skills for personal development, without questioning the subordination of women in regard to man, the last seek parity between the sexes. In the conquest of power by poor women, there is need for the combination of both interests. Although the poorest women are the population most in need of achievements, we must emphasize that the female conquests are for all women. These accomplishments are anchored in the creation of the concept of reproductive health. In the 80s of last century, emerged the concept of reproductive health based on feminist conception that all women have the right to control their sexuality and reproduction (Dixon-Mueller, 1993). This concept of reproductive health is not just limited to the freedom of women in the reproductive years, but extends to other age groups. Sai and Nassim (1989) explain how the concept of reproductive health is much broader than the concept of maternal health because beyond the fact that the former includes men, it also suggests that the health problems experienced by women relate not only to their present condition but to their childhood and adolescence. Not only programs of maternal and child health tend to neglect maternal health and give priority to the child health (Heise, 1993), but family planning programs have been criticized for being restricted to pregnant and married women. Germain and Antrobus (1989) further commented that family planning programs tend to emphasize contraception. And Oliveira et al. (1992) consider this focus limited since it does not involve the discussion of women about their sexuality and quality of life. It is significant that the discourse of female emancipation or empowerment, is anchored in the right of women to control their own bodies. As a feminine position, this notion is linked to autonomy. Dixon-Mueller (1993 ) points out that the concept of reproductive health implies the right of women to sexuality and reproduction. The author explains that the freedom to live health is based on three types of rights: control over one’s own body, the information and the means to control fertility and the decision to have children, the number and timing of having them. Women empowerment should be broader than the notion reproductive health as well. A definition of women empowerment is described by Stromquist (1993). This author explains that this empowerment takes more self-confidence than trust in intermediaries, promotes activities linked to needs, and promotes substantial collective transformations. To Stromquist (1993 ), this achievement, besides involving personal identity, encourages reflection on human rights. The author explains that this conquest of power by women can occur in several dimensions: psychological, cognitive, economic and political. Schrijvers (1991) adds another dimension by suggesting physical autonomy of women, a kind of conquest of power over their own bodies. Being broad the proposed empowerment for women, it implies changes in various dimensions. However, although women’s actions have enormous power


Migrant women in search and achievements in educations and health: considerations of a collective struggle || Isabela Cabral Félix de Sousa

it also often depends on the stage of the social advances in each context. 4. Conclusion The achievement of any rights, such as education and health, is linked with the wider process of women empowerment. In this way, it is a multidimensional process that requires individual and institutional changes (Germain & Antrobus, 1989; Stromquist, 1993). The accomplishment of rights should be promoted rather by the poor woman who accumulates the oppressions of gender, class, and often race. Any social oppression can increase the chances of disease occurrence and make more difficult to have access to the basic rights of health and education. These social oppressions can also be contributing factors for some women to end up desiring and seeking migration either within a country or outside it. The displacement of migrant women itself is not necessarily previously marked by an oppression. In other words, to live another life in another location may be a result of an opportunity. Anyway, as the migration unfolds it does not necessarily ensure better living conditions in the new location and the quest for rights in another social context can be very painful and lonely for migrants. The fight for rights can also become collective when some women articulate through social networks and government, non-governmental and religious organizations. In these articulations, women tend to be the ones who act as cultural mediators. Therefore, although both pursue and achievements of rights are likely to be uncertain for migrants, women’s collective struggle for them is already a great achievement for all women who fight.

Bibliographic References Antrobus, P. (1989). “The empowerment of women”. In: R. S. Gallin; M. Aronoff; A. Ferguson (Orgs.), The women and international development annual. San Francisco: Westview Press. p. 189207. Batiwala, S. (1994). “The meaning of women’s empowerment. New concepts from action”. In: G. Sen; A. Germain & L.C. Chen Population policies reconsidered. Health empowerment and rights. Harvard series on population and international health. Harvard School of Public Health. Boston, Massachusetts. p. 127-138. Boyd, M. (1989). “Family and personal networks in international migration: recent developments and new agendas”. In International Migration Review 23 (3): 638-670. Delle Donne, M. (2000). Convivenza civile e xenofobia. Milano: Feltrinelli. Dixon-Mueller, R. (1993). Population policy and women’s rights: Transforming reproductive choice. Westport, CT: Praeger. 287 p. Fagerlind, I.; Saha, L. J. (1989). Educational and national development. A perspective. New York: Pergamon Press. 321 p.


Freire, P. (1993, 22ª ed.). Pedagogia do oprimido. Rio de Janeiro: Paz e Terra. 184 p. Germain, A.; Antrobus, P. (1989). “New partnerships in reproductive health care”. In: Populi, 16: 18-30.


Migrant women in search and achievements in educations and health: considerations of a collective struggle || Isabela Cabral Félix de Sousa

Heise, L. (1993). “Violence against women: The missing agenda”. In: Koblinsky, M.; Timyan, J.; Gay, J. (Orgs.). The health of women: A global perspective San Francisco: Westview Press. p. 171-195. Jacobson, J. L. (1993). “Women’s health: The price of poverty”. In: M. Koblinsky; J. Timyan & J Gay (Ed.). The health of women: A global perspective. San Francisco: Westview Press. p. 3-31. Khan, M. E.; Dastidar, S. K. G. & Bairathi, S. (1984). “Women and health in India: A case study”. In: Women, work and demographic issues (Relatório da ILO/UNITAR Seminar, Tashkent, USSR, 11-19) Geneva International Labour Office. p. 32. Lephoto, H. M. (1995). “Educating women for empowerment in Lesotho”. In: Convergence, 28(3); 5-13. Molyneux, M. (1985). Mobilization without emancipation? Women’s interests, the state and revolution in Nicaragua. Feminists Studies 11:227-254. Oliveira, M. R.; Carvalho, P. H.; Frustock, L. & Luz, A. M. H. (1992). “Análise das condições sócioeconômicas e reprodutivas de mulheres de uma comunidade de Porto Alegre, RS.” In: Revista Gaúcha de Enfermagem 13: 5-11. Pinnelli, A., Racioppi, F. & Fettaroli, R. (2003). Gender and demography. Bologna: Mulino, p. 433-462. Rosemberg, F. (1992). “Education, democratization, and inequality in Brazil”. In: Nelly P. Stromquist, Women and education in Latin America. Knowledge, power and change. United States: Lynne Rienner Publishers, p.33-46. Sai, F. & Nassim, J. (1989). The need for a reproductive health approach. International Journal of Gynecology & Obstetrics 3: 103-113. Schiller, N.G., Basch, L., & Blanc-Szanton, C. (1992). “Transnationalism: A new analytical framework for understanding migration”. In: N. G. Schiller, L. Basch & C. Blanc-Szanton (Eds.). Towards a transnational perspective on migration. Race, class Ethnicity, and nationalism reconsidered. Annals of the New Academic of Sciences, New York. Vol. 645: 1-24. Schrijvers, J. (1991). Women’s autonomy: From research to policy. Amsterdam: Institute for Development Research. University of Amsterdam, mimeo. 8 p. Sherwin, S. (1992). No longer patient. Feminist ethics and health care. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. 286 p. Silva, Tomaz Tadeu da. (2007). Documentos de identidade. Uma introdução às teorias do currículo. Belo Horizonte: Autêntica. Sleeter, C. E. (1991). Empowerment through multicultural education. Albany: State University of New York. 340 p. Sorensen, G.; Verbrugge, L. M. (1997). “Women, work and health”. In: Annual Review of Public Health 8: 235-251. Sousa, I. C. F. (1995). “Discussing women’s health, roles and rights: Achieving women’s empowerment”. In: Convergence 28 (3): 45-51 Sousa, I. C. F. (2001). “Health education policies and poor women in Brazil: Identifying myths that undermine their empowerment”. In: M. Sutton & B.A.U. Levinson (Eds.) Policy as Practice:


Migrant women in search and achievements in educations and health: considerations of a collective struggle || Isabela Cabral Félix de Sousa

Toward a Comparative Sociocultural Analysis to Educational Policy Sociocultural studies of educational policy formation and appropriation. Albex Publishing. Westport, United States. Vol. 1, p.193-216. Sousa, I. C. F. (2007). “A integração de brasileiras em Roma: dificuldades e conquistas”. In: Imaginário (USP) 13: 399 – 415. Stromquist, N. (1994). “Education for the empowerment of women. Two Latin American experiences”. In: V. D’ Oyley, V.; A.Blunt . & R. Barnhard. (Eds.). Education and development. Lessons from the Third World. Calgary: Detselig. p. 263-282. Stromquist, N. (1993). “The theoretical and practical bases for empowerment”. Revised version of a paper presented at the International Seminar on Women’s Education and Empowerment, organized by the UNESCO – Institute for Education, Hamburg.. 22 p. Sutton, C. (1992). “Some thoughts on gendering and internationalizing our thinking about transnational migrations”. In: N.G. Schiller, L. Basch & C. Blanc-Szanton (Eds.). Towards a transnational perspective on migration. Race, class Ethnicity, and nationalism reconsidered. Annals of the New Academic of Sciences. New York. Vol. 645, p. 241-249. Zlotnik, H. (2003). The global dimensions of female migration. [Url:www.migrationinformation. org/Feature/display.cfm?ID=109. accessed on 1 /8 /2004].


Abstract: The purpose of this presentation is to think of the concepts of culture, identity and ethnicity, using as an empiric base the Italian immigrant descendents in the south region of Brazil and using as theoretical reference the culture studies, especially the texts of Stuart Hall. Keywords: Identity, Ethnicity, Immigration. In several jobs, especially the ones described by immigrants or their descendents, we find a reification of the concept of culture, and a naturalization of common sense that culture “is in the blood”. This kind of vision is also seen in many testimonials and interviews we collected. The concept of culture is on the same time central and problematic at Anthropology, but our intention is not to make a review of the many theories regarding this subject; we will only indicate the sense in which it this work will follow. It interests us specially the relationship between culture and identity, in the way enunciated by Goffman (1978), which affirms that culture is produced through negotiations in the scope of social interactions, a position very close to the of Firth (1974) for whom culture is socially produced from social organization. For Geertz (1978) culture is a network of significant symbols, and therefore, he defines culture as an integrated system of values in which actors put in practice. However, the author that best fits what we observed in the south of Brazil is Stuart Hall. According to Hall, we can notice nowadays a disintegration of national identities by the tendency of cultural homogenization of globalization, and because of that, there is a reinforcement of national identities and other local particularities due to the resistance of the globalization process. As a synthesis of this impact, the national identities are in decline, but new identities, which he calls hybrids, are taking over their place (Hall, 1999). With these affirmations, Hall gives us interesting and innovative clues to understand the cultural context that we observe in the south of Brazil as part of a world process, where local and national cultures are mixed with new aspects brought through globalization and result in what the author will call of “hybrid cultures”. Nevertheless, this reaffirmation of what is regional, is not totally new, in 1963 already in an article originally written in English, Freyre (2000,p.119) states: Some scholars of how the international situation has been developing on Earth since the European Industrial Revolution (…) recognize the necessity of a creation regionalism in opposite to the


Culture, Identity and Nation among Italian Immigrant Descendents in the South of Brazil Miriam de Oliveira Santos Federal Rural University of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil

Culture, Identity and Nation among Italian Immigrant Descendents in the South of Brazil || Miriam de Oliveira Santos

so many excesses of centralization and political unification and of human culture, stimulated not only politically but also economically by imperialist strengths and interests. The ones who think like this have as a fundamental that an increasing number of diverse cultural unities would contribute to the stability of the world, preventing the formation and the expansion of imperialisms and emperies.

The culture we found in some cities of the south of Brazil, especially in the state of Rio Grande do Sul, is not gaúcha, neither Brazilian, neither Italian, but a mixture of the three of them. It is a local culture inside the regional culture, a subculture inside the gaúcha culture. Azevedo (1994, p.72) observes that exists there “colonial” values, i.e., “recreations of the European experience in the colonial environment”. Hall also assists us to notice that the re-valorization of the Italian culture, and some cultural “differentiation” the Italian descendents residents of some towns in the state of Rio Grande do Sul, intend having in relation to the other “Brazilians”, is not a local phenomena, being inserted in a global context of valorization of local identities. In Brazil, most of the studies about culture are related to the idea of national culture. For Da Matta, author that we will refer several times along this work: “Culture is a live tradition, consciously elaborated that passes from generation to generation, so it is possible to singularize or make it single and unique a certain community in relation to others” (19832, p. 48). We believe that culture is a re-appropriated element that cannot be thought as a theoretical totality. Therefore, we seek to analyze how identities of Italian immigrants and their descendents are socially built through the notion of shared culture. It is important to remember that there is a double statute in the identity question. By one side, it is a building process, and by the other side, it is something substantive in which social agents decide to believe. We reinforce that the studied group does not constitute an ethnic group in the traditional meaning of the term, on the same way that Seyferth (s/d,p.25) states for the German-Brazilians, “this does not mean there was no ethnic fact”. In our research field, we also found “a basic identity which expresses through cultural given differences, which may be assumed as groups’ limits”. (Seyferth, s/d,p.25). Some of these authors, such as Cohen, state that ethnic identity is linked to corporative interests. According to this author, ethnicity is instrumentalized and recalled in moments when it is relevant, and the political instrumentalization of ethnicity is used as a weapon to acquire privileges (Cohen, 1979). However, it is important to remember that the ethnic identity may even be manipulated and used to reach certain objectives of some corporate groups, but it cannot be summarized only to this, as group may pre-exist before the corporate interest. It was important for the development of the work to understand the trajectory of the movement of claim for Italian-gaúcha identity, its constitution and negotiation as strategy for maintaining the group, and also as a symbol of social classification. Many of the descendents that claim the Italiangaúcha identity today, they do so for believing that this identity gives them more value and contributes for a social differentiation. Being Italian-gaúcho is more value than only being Brazilian. Besides of that, from the insertion of these groups in networks, the possibilities of social assumption enlarge, once the mark of the Italian-gaúcha identity becomes to be a differential, which allows access, for example, to the Italian citizenship, working abroad, studies’ scholarships, etc.. (Zanini, 1999). It is interesting to observe that the identity claimed is hyphenated by the regional and not by the national. Seldom someone presents themselves as being Italian-Brazilin, but Italian-Gaúcho. Besides the Gaúcho regional identity be very pronounced, we believe that it contributes for the fact of, at least inside the state of Rio Grande do Sul, being superior to the Brazilian in general. Correa (2001,p.127) states:


Culture, Identity and Nation among Italian Immigrant Descendents in the South of Brazil || Miriam de Oliveira Santos

Besides the strong regional identity (=gaucho), the ethnic identity (=German or Italian) provokes a distinction. This ‘plus’ corresponds to the positive image of the immigrant. So, for many inhabitants of Rio Grande do Sul, being gaúcho and descendent of immigrants is doubly positive.

We shall highlight again that the Italian descendents that reside in some towns in the state of Rio Grande do Sul, do not constitute an ethnic group in the strict sense of the term, but outlines as a differentiated group inside a national society, showing diacritics signals that give their recognition as a group. The inhabitants of the region report this identity as a characteristic of descendents of Italian immigrants, which came to the region from 1875. The leaderships call themselves Italian-Brazilians, Italian-gaúchos, or descendents of Italians. People in general call themselves as “Italians” or “Italians from Rio Grande do Sul”. The categories “Italians”, “Italian from Rio Grande do Sul”, “Talian”, or “Italian-gaúcho” are used because they provide to its user a greater social capital than of being only Brazilian. It is this accumulation of symbolic, economic and political capitals which allows the history of the colonization of the South of Brazil to be told almost entirely by their point of view. The group we studied arises from the Italian immigration to Rio Grande do Sul, which occurred at the end of the XIX century and the beginning of the XX century. The Italian and German colonization in Rio Grande do Sul was part of geopolitical project from the Brazilian Imperial Government, which used the immigration to fulfill the geographic blanks in the South of the country. It was thought to be a process of replacement not only of the slave work by the free work, but mostly as a replacement of the black slave by the white European in a process of colonization based in the small property. In the context, slavery was seen as an old way of production which did not comply with modernity, while colonization was seen as a civilization process. Italians were chosen because European immigration was preferred, and the process of recruiting to the colonization in North Italy was more effective when it became harder to bring Germans, which were seen as efficient farmers and as the ideal for the colonization in Rio Grande do Sul (Seyferth, 2001). Italy was one of the poorest and most populous countries in Europe, able to offer lots of work-force. The Unifications wars, the occupation by successive armies, the military service for three consecutive years, were facts that contributed to the disorder of family unity of work and to the impoverishment of the small agriculture worker. On the other side, the industrialization of Northern Italy was not capable of absorbing all the work-force available, which explains the option for the migration. This peasants’ exodus gave origin in the northeast of Rio Grande do Sul to the colons, this is, owners of a fraction of land called colony. Colony is the term which designs, especially in Rio Grande do Sul, both in official language and in the common language as a virgin land, intended to the colonization. This area was divided in plots of land intended, by concession, to householders, that in order to have full right to its ownership, they should deforest, cultivate and pay for them. When studying the ethnic groups, Barth (200) calls attention to the creation and the maintenance of the borders, divisionary lines that segregate human groups. In the specific case of the Italians in the South Region of Brazil, there was a dissolution of borders between the regional identities (at the time of strong immigration, despite the Italian passport, people used to consider themselves as venetians, trentines, lombardians, etc.) and the fusion of these identities into a new one, of “Italians” or “descendents of Italians”. This fusion occurred through a change of criteria of belonging to a collectivity. It did not mean, however, a full incorporation to the Brazilian national identity, maintaining a differentiated identity linked to the migratory process. It is important, in order to understand the invocation of Italicity of these immigrants are the


Culture, Identity and Nation among Italian Immigrant Descendents in the South of Brazil || Miriam de Oliveira Santos

diacritic signals that the group uses to delimitate its borders of belonging, the construction of traditions and of senses for these traditions. For Oro, however: (...) the descendents of Italians of Rio Grande do Sul do not deny their identities as Brazilians, especially of gauchos. The truth is that a plural ethnic identity is postulated, considering themselves, at the same time, as gauchos, Brazilians of Italian origin (1996, p.621).

Such affirmation is consistent with Hall’s (1999) observations. Ethnicity, seen at this view, would be a reaction to the homogenization imposed by dominant social standards. In the context of identities’ negotiations, culture would be an element to be considered dynamically and not as an immutable group’s belonging. Identity is related with interests and it is in the interethnic arena that emerges the construction of itself. Therefore, we believe that the reaffirmation of a differentiated identity acquires importance exactly when, with the development of industry, some of the most important cities in the region, start to attract people from diverse places and social origins. The present work deals, therefore, of the construction and symbolic reconstruction of an identity sometimes univocal, sometimes hyphenised (where the presupposition is the ethnic environment), in part associated to a big commemorative event with allows to update it in its historical time. Regarding the diffusion which called “mythology of the immigrant”, referring to the Italian immigrants in general, Ianni (1979,p.23) highlights that: “The idea of the immigrant and the industrialization are combined is an idea which is part of the immigrant mythology”. The quotes above refer to the context in which are created ideologies of success of the “pioneer immigrant”. It is a context of economic development based in the industrialization. This way, the ideology of the “pioneer” is in reality an adaptation, with ethnic shapes, of the capitalist ideology of enrichment through work. Without forgetting that Da Matta (1986,p.9) states: “The work always indicates an idea (or ideal) of construction of the man by the man. A control of life and the world by the society”. Taking into account that “myth” and “mythology” are very controversial concepts inside Anthropology, we prefer to use the concept of invented tradition, the way it was defined by Hobsbaw: [invented tradition] is understood as a set of practices, normally regulated by tactic or openly accepted rules, such practices, of ritual or symbolic nature, look forward to inculcate some values and norms of behavior through repetition, which implies, automatically, a continuity in relation to the past (Hobsbaw, 1997,p.9).

In this sense, traditions are appropriations of the past to reflect now the idea of communion and to highlight belonging. It may be found in the past a whole repertory of symbolic terms to update them in the present, i.e., it is created a posteriori version which organizes and gives meaning to facts and isolated events. According to Hall (1999,p.13) since birth until death we build a “me narrative” and it is this narrative which gives us the sensation that we hold an unified identity. Bu he complements affirming that this “full unified, complete, safe and coherent identity is a fantasy”, i.e., “it is not a question of what the traditions make of us, but of what we make from our traditions” (Hall, 2003,p.44). Therefore, limits exist for this “invention of traditions”. This process is not a “everything counts”, but a profile that privileges some aspects instead of others. Or, as states Da Matta: “Everything in a society is invented, but not everything is thoroughly reminded or transformed in phantoms capable of assaulting our consciousness” (Da Matta, 1998,p.74). At Rio Grande do Sul, these traditions act since their origins as an element which, despite


Culture, Identity and Nation among Italian Immigrant Descendents in the South of Brazil || Miriam de Oliveira Santos

reaffirming the symbolic values of the descendents of the immigrants group, reinforce with the rest of the society, the image that these descendents seek to project: they are pioneers, pathfinders and civilizing of a wild land, good workers and good Catholics. Ultimately, they deserve the economic exit and social and political prestige that are given to them in the town. The traditions, stories and fests act as elements that reinforce social ties and symbolic values of the group of immigrants descendent, reinforce with the rest of the society, the image that these descendents seek to project: they are pioneers, pathfinders and civilizing of a wild land, good workers and good Catholics. Ultimately, they deserve the economic exit and social and political prestige that are given to them in the town. However, it is important to remember that the every identity built has an unconscious component and a historical genesis. We can now affirm that to understand this trajectory it was very important not to essencialize the formation of the group in terms of family ties or ancestry, but to seek to comprehend the way how identities of Italian immigrants and their descendents were socially built in that region. It decisively contributed to this construction the influence of the Catholic Church through its schools and seminaries, the development of the industry, which attracted people from other regions, provoking the consciousness of difference, and in a certain way, the crystallization and the compliment for the difference. Therefore, it is important to notice that as Weber showed (1997), the values guide the action and may be fundamental to define the behavior standard of a society. In the case of European peasants’ descendents who immigrated to the state of Rio Grande do Sul, the colonization experience gave origin to a certain type of habitus extremely prosperous to the capitalist development. This attitude towards the work contributed to the creation of local ethnic stereotypes; however, it is necessary to remember that the economical sphere is just one of the aspects of categorization and its consequences. Similarly to what Jenkins (1997) points to North Ireland, the economical development was concomitant to an ethnic based social stratification. For insisting in the ethnical, it is symbolic built a community and sidesteps the fact that not all Italian descendents enriched and that there was a process of accumulation of capital in the hands of traders, following to such economic gain, the accumulation of political, social and symbolic capital. (Bordieu, 1987) The ethnicity works as an economic advantage and is interlaced with other principles of social identification such as religion and social class. (Jerkins, 1997) We find among the Italian descendents in the south of Brazil an ethnical leadership connected to the commercial bourgeoisie of colonial origin with an ethnical identity giving a social protection’s network. In this case, the ethnicity is mobilized as a resource by the dominant elite and as strategy to keep the control and the culture is also used as a political instrument. (Jerkins, 1997) From this point of view, ethnicity works as an ideology in the sense that Gramsci (1978) gives to the term, i.e., as cement that unifies practices and thoughts if a certain social group. There comes the concept of loyalty to the group and of a local identity. In the case of the group we studied, there is a clear hierarchy of identities: the local identity overlaps the regional and the national one. They consider that their most significant identity is the local identity of “Italians”, without however, denying their belonging to the Brazilian homeland. The fact of eventually identifying themselves as Italian-gauchos shows the importance attributed to the regional identity. However, despite the political speech of unity, there are conflicts and disputes for who can speak in the name of the group. The members of the local elite are keen to define themselves as Italian-gauchos or maximum as gauchos with Italian ascendency and affirm not to make distinctions based in ethnic origin. However, this not what they demonstrate in their speeches, books and specially in the parades of the Grape Festival.


Culture, Identity and Nation among Italian Immigrant Descendents in the South of Brazil || Miriam de Oliveira Santos

In this case, we observe the imposition of the dominant class’ ideology as common sense. According to the Gramscian theory, they most active and organic ideologies interfere in the common sense and in the traditions. The elite’s ideas regarding the descendents of Italian immigrants are not only hegemonic, but also part of the common sense of the region. They reinforce the identities marks and a whole symbolic system that highlights the differences in relation to the national identity. Therefore, the emphasis is given to the work, pioneering spirit, religious and perseverance, qualitative that work as diacritic signals, which shape and orient the construction of an identity of Italian-gauchos, for the descendents of those immigrants.

Bibliographic References Azevedo, Thales de. (1994). Os italianos no Rio Grande do Sul. Caxias do Sul, EDUCS Barth, Fredrik. (2000). Os grupos étnicos e suas fronteiras: O guru, o iniciador e outras variações antropológicas. Rio de Janeiro: Contracapa Bourdieu, Pierre. (1987, [2nd edition]). A Economia das trocas simbólicas. São Paulo, Perspectiva Cohen, Abner. (1979). Custom and Politics in urban Africa. London, Routledge and Kegan Paul Sul

Correa, Sílvio Marcus de Souza. (2001). Identidade Étnica em Meio Urbano. Santa Cruz do

Da Matta, Roberto. (1998). As mensagens das festas: reflexões em torno do sistema ritual e da identidade brasileira. [s.l] Da Matta, Roberto. (1986). O que faz o brasil, Brasil? Rio de janeiro: Rocco Da Matta, Roberto. (1983). Relativizando: Uma Introdução à Antropologia Social. Petrópolis: Vozes. Epstein, A. L. (1978). Ethos and identity. London: Travistock Publications Firth, R. (1964). Essays on Social Organization and Values, London School of Economics, Monographs on Social Anthropology n.° 28. Londres: The Athlone Press. Freyre, Gilberto. (2000, [2nd ed.].). Novo Mundo nos Trópicos. Rio de Janeiro: Topbooks. Geertz, Clifford. (1978). A Interpretação das Culturas. Rio de Janeiro: Zahar Goffman, Erving. (1978). Estigma. Rio de Janeiro: Zahar. Gramsca, Antonio. (1978, [2nd ed.]). Os intelectuais e a organização da cultura. Rio de Janeiro: Civilização Brasileira Hall, Stuart. (2003). Da Diáspora: Identidades e Mediações Culturais. Belo Horizonte: UFMG/ Brasília: Unesco Hall, Stuart. (1999). A identidade cultural na pós modernidade. Rio de Janeiro: DP&A Hall, Stuart. (1996). Ethnicity: Identity and Difference. New York: Oxford University Press. Hobsbawn, Eric. ( 1 9 9 7 , [ 2 n d e d . ] . ) . Introdução: A invenção das tradições. Rio de Janeiro: Paz e Terra


Culture, Identity and Nation among Italian Immigrant Descendents in the South of Brazil || Miriam de Oliveira Santos

Ianni, Octávio. (1987, [3rd ed.]). Raças e Classes Sociais no Brasil. São Paulo: Brasiliense Jenkins, Richard. (1997). Rethinking Ethnicity. Arguments and Explorations, London: Sage Publications. Oro, Ari Pedro. (1996) Mi son Talian: Considerações sobre a identidade étnica dos descendentes de italianos do Rio Grande do Sul: A presença italiana no Brasil. Porto Alegre Seyferth, Giralda. [s.d.] Identidade Étnica e Folclore. Anais do I Seminário sobre Folclore Alemão, Blumenau Seyferth, Giralda. (2001). Imigração e nacionalismo: o discurso da exclusão e a política imigratória no Brasil. Brasília: CNPD Weber, Max. (1997, 12th ed.]). A Ética Protestante e o Espírito do Capitalismo. 12. São Paulo: Pioneira Willems, Emilio. (1980). A Aculturação dos alemães no Brasil. São Paulo: Companhia Editora Nacional. Zanini, Maria Catarina Chitolina. (1999). Ítalo-brasileiros: a revivificação da identidade étnica em Santa Maria-RS. Travessia – Revista do Migrante, nº 34, may-august


Abstract: This text is made of the crossroad between diverse testimonies, images and narratives with a multi-disciplinary character. It is an unfinished labour which aims to give clues in order to rethink and redefine the potential pathways and Lusophone identities in the vaster context of global citizenship. We look forward to counterwork the evidence that cultural studies have not given enough attention to the questions of economic policy where cultural creations appear and develop themselves – so, we propose approaches which allow the understanding of the bridges between economics and culture, and which pass in this text by overlapping and confronting testimonies. Thus, we expose diverse narratives, which stretch from ethno(mathematics) to Lusíadas representation and reading other narratives, including performing arts, painting and weaving. We seek to raise the reflection and discussion about the sense of the different narratives of the stories which are (re)presented and (re)built around the themes of colonialism and post –colonialism and Lusophonies, seeking to evidence the latent tensions and connections between economics, societies and cultures, in the expression of diverse sensibilities, identities and wills within the worldplay. We also aim to an enlarged comprehension of the Lusophonies and the global world, within a glocal perspective, pointing to possibilities of strategies of global citizenship education which promote the acknowledgement of our cultures place in a changing world, opening up windows towards a better future for all … Keywords: narratives; identities; Lusophone


Ethnonavigations: (post)colonial narratives, between global and local Noémia Maria Simões1 Minho Univ, ISEL, CLEPUL, Portugal


1. Introduction In this open pathway along the turbulences of a pluridimensional time, we look forward to, within the limited space we have, present diverse testimonies , multiple narratives in the attention to an ecology of human which without ignoring the secret archives of history, but which also allow us once more to recognize and value our narratives in rediscovering who we are and the future. Decolonizing thinking, reinforcing critical attitudes towards history, allows us to identify the oppressions that insinuate themselves at the level of knowledge production, withal it opens the way towards a different comprehension of the spaces in which we are moving, towards a worldview that, recognizing the place of differences, shall allow to overcome the disciplinary, ideological, linguistic or geographic ghettos in which, maybe by self-indulgence. we enclose ourselves.


1 The author is actually a PHD student in Cultural Studies by Aveiro and Minho Universities. She has a Master degree in Economics and Social Policy and she is author of several multidisciplinary texts and communications which range from mathematics education to global citizenship education. She is Professor at ISEL, member of CLEPUL and coordinator of the NGO Engenho e Obra, being also part of the working groups Development Education and Ethics from the Portuguese Platform of NGDOs. Author’s e-mail : [email protected]

Ethno-navigations: (post)colonial narratives, between global and local || Noémia Maria Simões

Equally important is the listening to the voices which come both lusophonies as well from the global babel, voices and silences which give us back other images and echoes of who we are and who we might become … We are living in a troubled time, which is felt by many as a global collapse, where the multiple turbulences and the acceleration of a tense time make it hard to have an optimistic and serene view on past history and on the pathways we want to build in the future. We also recognize the urgency of facing and contradicting the pessimism of the real threats to our dreamt horizons of a better or at least decent future for all, to glimpse new pathways of cultural and social building of reality, in these ethno-navigations between local and global, not forgetting the fundamental place of dream in re-inventing the future: “What makes the road to walk? It is the dream. While people dream the road shall stay alive. I tis for that reason that pahs are worth for, to make us parents of the future” (Tuahir Speak), (Mia Couto, Terra Sonâmbula, Sleepwalking Land)

2.Rebuilding history: pathways between center and margins “ Europe, should displace all of herself into the South, in order to, for discount of her ancient and modern colonial abuses, help to equilibrate the world. This is finally, Europe as ethics” (José Saramago, A Jangada de Pedra, The stone raft)

In the words of Boaventura Sousa Santos (2007), “the danger of neglecting policy economics, (of neglecting) the economic and classicist power is endemic in culturalist studies”

2.1.The perspective of an historian of mathematics In the words of a portuguese mathematician and historian, Francisco Garção Stocker, in his essay Ensaio histórico sobre a origem e progressos das mathematicas em Portugal (Historical Essay on the origin and progresso of mathemtics in Portugal): “In vain people intent to discover the true causes of public events of any nation, and the nexus connecting one to another, if we do not look to the nature of the country it inhabits, and the state of its knowledge in its most remarkable epochs. But, if the political successes as the particular actions, depend intrinsically on the ideas, knowledge and men’s individual opinions; the progress of human knowledge does not depend less on the successes, and political institutions of people. Ones and others have their origin in the man’s natural needs, and on the means that nature has offered them to satisfy them, and the ones and others have equally has unique object the improvement, and to direct these means, in order to satisfy the satisfaction, both of natural needs as of those that the improvement of social order necessarily brings afterwards” (Francisco Garção Stocker)

2.2. Critical approach and methodology In the present dominant narrative on economics, the word ‘development’ is frequently employed as a synonymous of economic growth, or even as a veil to capitalism itself (Santos, (2014)]. This implies, in the mainstream approaches, an economistic, linear and monolithic approach of societies. According to this logic, there would almost be no choice regarding the ‘development’ model to follow,


Ethno-navigations: (post)colonial narratives, between global and local || Noémia Maria Simões

and there would be a more or less ‘unique pathway’ of catch up which would be almost obligatory to each country that pretends to attain the same patterns of the so called ‘developing countries’. The cultural and economic dominance of the (English) language would also be a correlate of this process of imposing a world-culture homogenizing. On the opposite way, we defend interdisciplinary approaches which pass by understanding cultural studies as a gravitational ‘field’ of approaching the complexity of ‘cultural issue7s’ (Baptista, 2012), by adopting a methodological polytheism (Martins, M (2012)), which allows us to reach another comprehension, in multiple voices and languages, of the human and of the non linear interactions between economics/society and culture (Louçã, F (2009)). A comprehension which also gives account of the multiple dimensions in which the Development and the alternatives pose themselves. 2.3. ‘Depois do Adeus’, After farewell – assuming post-colonialism Rethinking history and the place of each one within the world is, in our view, an important step towards collective action. In the Portuguese case, we are aware that in some erudite literature, the cultural translations of what has come to us after ‘farewell’ to a certain colonial past, reveal themselves as a mix of regret and tragic, baroque or even grotesque declinations of our identity, identified as semi-peripheral, between Prospero and Caliban (Santos, 2006). In a context of crisis, there is also a feeling of subalternity and lack of autonomy regarding the severe external constraints – so, there is a need to rediscover the sense and the will to overcome the ‘Bojador capes’ (the difficulties) with which we actually confront, including those which are coming up in the next future. Creating new narratives, being part of the systemic change (towards a better world) is both a challenge and a call to social transformation felt by many formal and informal social movements. It becomes essential to reflect about: How do we face ourselves Depois do Adeus [‘After Farewell’]? How do we reorganize with meaning the fragments of our history and our present? How do we discover the ‘narrow pathway of dignity of each one of us and of the community(ies) to each we belong? The tragic feeling of an unresolved separation, the sensation of a gangrened wound, the consciousness that if we want to build another future, we have to rebuilt wills and look for wiser and more lucid views of our history and our present inside the global context, recognizing that there still remain shadows to combat and oppose (Lídia Jorge). 2.4. Re-reading of The Lusíadas from Luís de Camões Which space and acknowledgment do we give to our history’s narratives without getting imprisoned inside the labyrinths of a sterile nostalgia (saudade), prisoners of bad colonial consciousness? And whose consciousness do we recreate of the new pathways to draw, if we keep eluding ourselves mirrored in the ‘hyper-identity’ of an history in which we loose ourselves in a nostalgic labyrinth, from which it is seems there is no graceful way out, nor a corresponding future? … Or is it (possible) that ancient narratives might yet fit out as dream and hope levers? 2.5. Camões in scene – some readings: “The text of the Lusíadas is a great life story , a great story of human condition, an enormous metaphor of our historic condition in any time and place.


Ethno-navigations: (post)colonial narratives, between global and local || Noémia Maria Simões

Everything is there, like in the major music Artworks, in the great symphonies: stealthily, insinuated in the rhythms, in the word games, in the breaths of thought, in the humour, in the contrast of tempos … And the precision, acuteness, and often rawness with which Camões formulates the “voyage” are part of our collective memory, and the obligatoriness of its Reading provokes in each of us fascination and hate, in which no one of us can say that does not really know the Lusíadas, but almost no one really knows it (…) We [Meridional Theater] also want to get closer to our History, to preserve the collective memory of a People, who continues to have in the Sea the possibility as horizon of all the Voyages. And in an epoch of the word, in which all of us “Lusíadas”, after all the Portuguese people, is demanded an almost superhuman effort at our survival level as a nation, to Meridional Theatre – as a collective of artists and communicators – it makes more sense than ever to exalt, to spread and sing …” “More than human strength promised” (Miguel Seabra e Natália Luíza in Teatro Meridional, 2010) About the third chant: “When the poets call for help, the gods come without showing up. In this case, Camões called Calliope and the muse him her favours. The poet well needed them. Then, how could he, alone, invoke the fortunate understanding between the Portuguese travellers and the good Melinda King? How could he, by himself, without divine help, rebuild the dialogue between them? Reproduce the description that Gama has done of Europe, in order to satisfy the King’s curiosity? And the description of Iberic Peninsula as the head of Europe? And of Portugal as, has almost the summit of the head/ of all Europe? Yes, how could Camões by himself, invoke the European people, and the Iberian, and among them, detach the Lusitan people strength? And also invoke the brave kings Afonsos, since Afonso Henriques, the founder, to Afonso IV, the King of the Salado Battle? Passing by Dinis, the king of poetry, of good order and of progress?” (Lídia Jorge) About the fourth chant: “As the naus(ships) leave, after the religious ceremony and procession to Restelo beach, among the saddened by the leaving and the brave ones, an old man curses those who by madness have committed greatnesses, he curses who for the first time have built a boat,,. Cause the life should be how it was; the departure merely fulfilled the vice of illusion” (Valter Hugo Mãe) About the fifth chant: “Left behind, the small homeland extreme in the pursuit of a dream of faraway on to the immense sea which should bring tragedy and glory both to nauts and kings, behold that the oeuvre (discovery and scripture) expands itself in the tensions of the lived and written, breaking either with the pragmatic grammar or with the poetics, in its already etiolated conventions. However, I wouldn’t call the Lusíadas, as Nemesio did, table of the law of Portuguese, as a people of mission, but cartography of another humanity, let it be vicious and barbaric; of the homeland that really matters, the one that only art can establish, such a mythic Atlantic or Hesperides, they say that Cape Verde is a vestige, but where what matters most, is the invention above the testimony, and it shall matter greatly in the cape Verdeans, a future people invented of the homeland with no name, because of the Cape has only rested the denomination for use and memory, sign and fate of the seekers in the middle of the Atlantic, of souls tempered of sea and sea air.” (José Luís de Tavares)


Ethno-navigations: (post)colonial narratives, between global and local || Noémia Maria Simões

About the islands of loves … “There is no erudite person who does not remember it, or one that does not scandalize himself if anyone does not remind it: the Island of Loves is not merely the “island of loves” (…). Due to what is of concentrated in this sacred place, refugee space and of election, either against the agitation of profane world either beyond the assault of the Unconscious waves, the “island” is, as everybody knows, convergence of multiple esoteric meanings; but it is also, historically, an extraordinary mythical attraction pole to the Portuguese; “Island”, we’ve always considered ourselves, surrounded by Spain and the Sea, to the encounter of islands we navigated; Islands, we started to discover; and there is still to know whether our ‘colonization’, exactly as in the case of Greeks,was not more than the creation of islands, still when they were inserted in hugely vast continents. The Island of Loves – and not of Love (curious distinction!) – should be, by Venus purpose, our great and ubíquos realization in a transcendent realization in a transcendent unity of place. Anyway, Invented Island, “Theater” Island, created ‘ex nihilo’ – and destined to a unique representation! Howsoever, the “loves that occur there, even once in a life time, constitute the most indispensable antechamber to whatever of more important there shall happen” (David Mourão Ferreira, in Camões, A Ilha dos Amores, Ática) 3.Pathways and navigations in search for an identity From the paving stones, to the illustrations we might contemplate at diverse metro stations in Lisbon, there are numerous testimonies and echoes of the Lusíadas narrative in the local places and pathways of the city’s quotidian: in Lisbon, among other stoppages, it becomes self-evident the relevance of art in the formation / education of spirits on building an identity, on the formation of a cosmopolitan consciousness of global citizenship, ethno-navigations aiming at an (im)possible universal humanity: “Because we furrow the past in the pavement/in a present that we tight to our destiny/here remains a floor which takes us to the walk/ resonating in each rock the purest sound/ of following through life wandering/ on a tour/ that leads us to the future” (Jorge Castro in Calçada Portuguesa) “Give us again the Astrolabe and the Quadrant/ Candles in the wind come the departure/ Our destiny is to navigate forward/To bend the cape, to bend the life/Give us again the rose and the compass/The chart the compass the itinerary the sphere/Somewhere inside us there is another space/We’ll come yet to another place/ There where we just wait for/ The unexpected” (Manuel Alegre)

3.1. Lights and shadows of the epic in which we retrace ourselves: It was yet missing to contrast with other narratives, other lives and visions. Giving turn to women’ silenced voices ,as in the Portuguese Letters and the New Portuguese Letters, listening to the bitterness of fates and discounters which are part of our patrimony, the disharmonies and catastrophes of the peregrinations which break up in pieces the cocoons of the golden histories and of the islands of loves … We refer to António Trabuco in his book O Túmulo de Camões – Camões Tomb: “Luís de Camões illustrates one of the epic’s faces. He has glorified the Portuguese expansion which is in colonialism’s origin. He sang the heroic epics, the honour and the courage. Fernão Mendes Pinto went further: He gave light to the dark side of navigation and conquest … “ (op cit, p.180)


Ethno-navigations: (post)colonial narratives, between global and local || Noémia Maria Simões

3.2.Images of the others and intercultural (in)communicability “I am not always equal in what I tell and wright/ I change, but I do not change a lot/The colour of the flowers is not the same by the sun/ As when the cloud passes by/ Or when the night comes in/ And the flowers are shadow coloured” (Fernando Pessoa, O Guardador de Rebanhos – The herds keeper, cit by Elon Lages Lima in Espaços Métricos – Metric Spaces)

According to Rómulo de Carvalho. in his book Physics for the People, “in order to know a person’s profile, we need two mirrors – not one”… how many mirrors do we need in order to understand the identity of those who are close to us and of the ones who are apart? What does it take to understand the human beings, capturing what is similar and understanding the differences which recreate us in time flow in order to better prepare the future among histories turbulences? It is certainly needful, to go beyond the technology and a one-dimensional science recognizing in this realm, the complexity of reality, the primacy of the plurality of narratives, from the erudition of the humanities and arts which are officially celebrated, to the disorder and rebellion of the silenced voices, the ugliness of the suffered quotidian, graphitized in the shadowed zones of our cities. Is it possible, instead of geographic and cultural distances, to put in practice Ubuntu’s principles, to see the you in me, and at the same time, recognizing differences and promoting the right to signify of non-western cultures (Bhabha)? How should we value local knowledge, recognize its importance on the building of more sustained and autonomous pathways of growth (in other worlds)? 4.Some conclusions and final considerations In this incomplete and troubled circuit of ethno-navigations, between local and global, we feel and think that it is fundamental not to hide the disharmonies nor to ignore the contrasts, it is important to attend simultaneously to the stories, the shouting and murmurs that come to us either from the distant and unknown seas, or from the ones that arise from the monotony of the submerse quotidian, from the great cities and ghettos, where the role of cultural mediation, is in our opinion, crucial. Thus, we defend that intercultural mediation and communication should not be understood merely as a global question and as a secondary feature of an economic diplomacy between distant cardinal points. In reality, it is also yet, here and now, in our neighbourhoods that the question of identities and the urgency of dialogue and the challenge of intercultural communication, even the silent one, become urgent. There still remains a lot to tell and research, from the ‘us/knots in arts’ to the others that look at us and understand us differently. We acknowledge that all narratives are partial and incomplete processes, there are many paradoxes, however we trust that by attending the multiple voices, through a dialogical hermeneutic, it will be possible to overcome identitarian tensions and to glimpse the place of past in the future’s invention, through and beyond dissonance and conflict: “Where do you live?” “What are you?” “From which religion?” “From which race?”, “From which nationality?” today these are considered logical. In twenty first century, humanity shall have understood that these are absurd questions and anti-evolutionary, or else men shall no longer live in earth” (Buckminster Fuller, Manual of Instructions for Spacecraft Earth, 1969. In EXD’13 Lisboa – No borders,, accessed in 12th October 2013)


Ethno-navigations: (post)colonial narratives, between global and local || Noémia Maria Simões

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Ethno-navigations: (post)colonial narratives, between global and local || Noémia Maria Simões

Lourenço, E. (1983). Poesia e metafísica – Camões, Antero e Pessoa. Sá da Costa Editora. Martins, G. O. (2009). Património, herança e memória – A cultura como criação. Lisboa: Gradiva. Martins, M. L. “Para um politeísmo metodológico nos estudos culturais” in Baptista, M. M. (Coord.) (2012). Cultura: metodologias e investigação. Gracio Editora. Matos, E. (2009). Calçada Portuguesa no mundo, per orbem terrarum et marem nostrum. Lisboa: Ernesto Matos – sessenta e nove manuscritos. Matumona, M. (2008). Teologia africana da reconstrução como novo paradigma epistemológico, contributo lusófono num mundo em mutação. Lisboa: Roma Editora. Metropolitano de Lisboa (1997). Metro – a arte que Lisboa ainda não viu. Lisboa. _________ (1999). Estação Oriente Station, Lisboa. Mingione, E. (1991). Fragmented Societies, A sociology of economic life beyond market paradigm. Basic Blackwell. Muchie, M. et al (Ed.) (2013). The African Union Ten Years After, Solving African Problems with Pan-Africanism and the African Renaissance. AISA, Africa Institute of South África. Nery, R. V. (2012, [2ª edição]). Para uma História do Fado. Lisboa: INCM. Nery, R. V. (2012). Fado, um património vivo – Fado, a living heritage, Lisboa: INCM. Plataforma Portuguesa das ONGD (2014). [Url:]. Rothenberg, D. & Pryort, W. J. (Ed.) (2005). Writing the World – on Globalization. A Terra Nova Book, MIT. RTP1 – SPTelevisão. (2012). Depois do Adeus. Série televisiva, RTP1. Sá, A. et al. (2009). Jogos do mundo, Lisboa: Associação Portuguesa de Professores de Matemática. Santos, B. S. (2003). Globalização, Fatalidade ou utopia?. Lisboa: Edições Afrontamento. _______. (2006). A gramática do tempo, para uma nova cultura política, Lisboa: Edições Afrontamento. _______. (2014). “Do desenvolvimento alternativo às alternativas ao desenvolvimento” in Conferência em 16/1/2014 organizada pelo CIDAC, Gulbenkian: Lisboa [Url: http://www. source=lslibrary&utm_medium=ui-thumb, , accessed in 21 January 2014]. Saramago, J. (1986). A Jangada de Pedra. Alfragide: Editorial Caminho. Simões, N. (2012). “Por Lisboa: recortes, luzes e sombras de uma cidade à beira mar” in III Congresso Estudos Culturais: Ócio, lazer e tempo livre na contemporaneidade, Janeiro 2012, Universidade de Aveiro. ________. (2013) “From ethno-mathematics to global complexity” in Comunicação a Academia Africalics, 20-31/10/2013, Algiers, Argélia. Spivak, G. (s/d). “Can the subaltern speak?” in [Url: Can_the_subaltern_speak.pdf, , accessed in 29 October 2013.] Sousa, A. F. (1998[1ª edição]). Angola – o apertado caminho da dignidade. Carcavelos: A Franco de Sousa.


Ethno-navigations: (post)colonial narratives, between global and local || Noémia Maria Simões

Teatro Meridional (2010) “Os Lusíadas de Luís de Camões, por António Fonseca”, Lisboa, Temporada 25 Nov -18 Dez 2010, [Url:, , accessed in 12th December 2010]. Trabulo, A. (2012). O Túmulo de Camões, romance. Lisboa: Fronteira do Caos Editores. Trigo, L. F. et all (Coord.) (1997). Metro, a arte que Lisboa ainda não viu. Lisboa: Metropolitano de Lisboa. Vários. (2012). Construindo a Comunidade – 12 anos Vitalidade e Dinamismo, Lisboa: CPLP. Vários. (2013). EXD’13 Lisboa, No Borders, Lisboa [Url:, accessed in 9th October 2013].



Tourism, Culture and Leisure in post-colonial contexts

Abstract: Tourism can be understood as a voluntary displacement of individuals to different locations from where they usually reside . But why do we travel ? For some scholars , tourist activity has predominantly cultural nature, because people travel in search of new experience, while for other researchers, tourism is simply an object of consumption, another product available to consumers . In this sense, the present article aims , through a literature search , start a discussion about the role that tourism plays in people’s lives , based on the three phases of tourism: pre - tourism, industrial tourism and post- tourism. We note that this literature review is part of a doctoral thesis in development in the area of Cultural Studies . Considering the analysis proposed by the authors surveyed we believe that even today,tourists can travel as much motivated by learning, provided by new experiences, as simply to rest, or even just to consume.

Why do we travel? Adriana Brambilla1 & Maria Manuel Baptista2 Federal University of Paraíba - Brasil & University of AveiroPortugal

Keywords : Tourism, Society, Pre -tourism, Industrial, Posttourism. Introduction Tourism can be understood as a voluntary displacement of individuals to different locations where they usually reside. According to the UNWTO (World Tourism Organization) tourism is composed of “activities that people perform during their travel and they stay in different places at their usual environment, for less than one year consecutive, with the purpose of leisure, business or other” (Sancho, 2001: 8). Can an activity which has a so important role in the nowadays, just be studied in this way? We think that no. But what is the role of tourism in society? For some researches, tourist activity has predominantly cultural nature, because people travel in search of new experiences, while for others, tourism is simply an object of consumption, another product available to consumers. Thus, this article, through a literature search was undertaken for doctoral thesis in Cultural Studies, has proposed to launch a reflection on the relationship between tourism and its role in society. To achieve the proposed objectives of this project, methodological procedures will be adopted. A scientific work is characterized by the application of the method according Cervo e Bervian (1983: 23), “is the order that should be imposed to different processes required to achieve a given end or a desired result.” To conduct this study, the research will be exploratory, based on a literature on printed books and online papers. Lakatos and Marconi (1985) state that exploratory research is applied on studies that aim to increase the familiarity of the researcher and


1 Adriana Brambilla: Professor, Department of Communication and Tourism of the Federal University of Paraíba, Coordinator of GCET (Group of Culture and Tourism Studies, CNPq Directory) and researcher at the Centre for the Study of Communication and Society, University of Minho. PhD student in Cultural Studies (Universities of Aveiro and Minho), Master in Marketing (Federal University of Paraiba) and degree in Business Administration (Fundação Armando Alvares Penteado). The article is part of the doctoral thesis in Cultural Studies, under development by Adriana Brambilla, under the guidance of Dr. Maria Manuel Baptista. e-mail: [email protected] 2 Lecturer in the area of Cultural Studies in the Department of Languages and Cultures at the University of Aveiro, Director of the PhD in Cultural Studies at the University of Aveiro / University of Minho and researcher at the Centre for the Study of Communication and Society, University of Minho. PhD in Culture, University of Aveiro, Master in Educational Psychology from the University of Coimbra and BA in Philosophy from the University of Porto. e-mail: [email protected]

Why do we travel? || Adriana Brambilla & Maria Manuel Baptista

Selltiz et al. (1975) consider that “exploratory research has as main objectives to clarify the issues for further research, raise awareness of some issues addressed in the literature and further clarify nebulous concepts”. 2. The traveler and the tourist For a better understanding of the influence of tourism on people’s lives, it would be interesting to discuss it according to the phases of tourism, which, in general, are divided into pre-tourism associated with traditional society, industrial tourism, related to mass tourism reflecting modernity and post-tourism, similar to Post-Modernity. The pre-tourism refers to the phase in which humans traveled motivated by learning, so travel was seen as a learning process very active, a way to live the story and to complete the education. The pre-tourism called grand tour, can be considered the origin of cultural tourism, since it was a means to learn more about the cultures of different parts of the world and reflect on their own culture (Richards, 2006). The tourism activity while a feature of industrial society emerges in the nineteenth century as a way to rest, and after the Second World War, is characterized as a mass activity. Krippendorf (1989) refers to tourism as an activity created by industrial society, therefore, the great exodus of the masses is a consequence of the conditions generated by industrial development. He analyzes that the industrial era, in which it operates mass tourism, is submissive the economy, since it reigns supreme in civilization. The author differentiates humans that traveling motivated to learn, to have new experiences, of the industrial tourist, which it considers as one who travels, not by its own necessity, but by a levy of society, even if disguised for other reasons. This industrial era is characterized by tight control of production, so as to maximize the amount of goods produced, and the reward for productivity, ie, remuneration based on what is generated. Dias (2006) analyzes the tourist places in the industrial era, found themselves physically near the emitting nuclei, but symbolically distant, because the prevailing conception of tourism as a way to replenish the energy spent at work. In this line of reasoning, the author explains that the vacation spots were predominantly distinct from workplaces, regions usually related to sun and beach tourism. The tourist resulting from this society is characterized as a fatigued individual due to excessive mechanization of labor and concentration in successive increase in production, finding in tourism an “escape from the routine.” Therefore, it can be observed that many definitions of tourism, when referring to activity during this period include the escape the routine as an important travel motivation At this stage, the tourist is seen as an individual who finds in travelling a way to rest, even if these changes are temporary in their stressful routine. Krippendorf (1989 ) uses the term leisure industry to refer to tourism as a commodity offered by the industrial society that has taken hold of free time and gave people, forms of recreation. The author calls this of reconstitution cycle of human beings, in when travelling the bateries are reloaded, so that people, upon returning from vacation, were more productive. We believe so, at this stage, the industries and organizations in general, see the tourism as an alternative to maintaining or increasing the productivity of labor-intensive, because after a trip, usually people come back more rested and prepared for the job, while to the tourists the travel are a sort of liberation of the mechanization of their day-to-day. Krippendorf (1989) sees tourists as invaders who seek only the immediate pleasure, without worrying about the impacts the local, whether sociocultural or environmental, because the sole purpose of these visitors is to make use of people and local resources for your enjoyment . This author’s view can be understood as a form of post-colonialism, in which people, in this case, travelers from dominant countries, see the sites visited and its inhabitants, as areas to be mastered so that they


Why do we travel? || Adriana Brambilla & Maria Manuel Baptista

make use. This position can be evidenced by the expressions he uses to refer to tourists as a bunch of invaders, exploiters of the locals, referring to a relationship between visitors and visited based on the humiliation caused by tourists who take advantage of the receiving population. “Tourism creates two categories of human beings: the servers and the served, which can result in feelings of inferiority and superiority” (Krippendorf, 1989, 107). Realizing this new form of colonization, the author suggests,

there is a reaction by the locals whose only interest shall be for the money they will receive from tourists: “We speak Inglês ... and love $ and Euro” (Krippendorf, 1989 107). The tourism industry is thus a result of the pressure of routine work that people are subordinated, functioning as an escape from day-to-day (Krippendorf, 1989), as Urry (1990) explains, when considering tourism a time of opposition to work, as tourism and work are in separate spheres in industrial societies. This mass tourism, based on the Fordist model had as basis the offer of few places to the largest possible number of tourists, in a typical relationship of economies of scale, leading to excessive load and saturation of these places. Given this saturation, tourism begins to seek alternatives in response to this model, entering the phase of post-tourism in analogy to post-industrial society. This society was characterized by risk, by uncertainty (Galbraith, 1986). The questions that arise before the threats facing this society, are typical of post-industrial society (Drucker, 1995) or the throwaway society (Toffler, 1970), that is explained by Beck (1992) in an analysis of the risk issue in a Reflexive Modernity, since it the negative impacts caused by industrial society are now known. In this sense, the issues of tourism sustainability are a feature of the post-industrial era, ie the post-tourism as a result of knowledge of the impacts caused by mass tourism, characteristic of modern society. This awareness of the impacts of tourism is related to the notion of risk which, according to Beck, “marks a general intensification of ontological insecurity, a general sense of anxiety about the technological threat that posed over the continuity of life” (Abbinnett 2003: 25) and which directly affects cultural identities.

In the post-industrial era also known as knowledge or intellectual capital, the incentive is to thinking, innovation, and therefore in opposition to Fordism, the great value is not the force applied by the worker, but his intellectual capacity where knowledge becomes the main asset of organizations (Drucker, 1992, 1995, 1999). This transition shows the relationship between the control, the characteristic rationality of modernity and the lack of total control, subjectivity related to PostModernity. In the first, the means of production are fully controlled by the producer, which holds the capital, equipment and know-how, while in the second, although the means also belong to the producer, it has lost the power of single controller, once, that depends directly from knowledge of the information the contractor, ie, depends on their intellectual capacity. This post-industrial era, according to Harvey (1997) is characterized by the compression of time and space, identifying the Post-modernity to a faster pace of life, characterized by individual lost in time and space, the volatility and ephemerality in a process discontinuity affecting societies, and therefore affects the forms and travel motivations. 3. Final considerations Redfoot (1984) states that, historically, there were many reasons to travel, and could range from the conquest of land, to travel motivated by religious pilgrimages, travelers were considered heroes for to venture fully to unknown locations. The author considers this traveller, very different from the mass tourist, for while the adventurous traveler was a producer of experiences, the tourist is just a consumer of known things, as Krippendorf (1989), tourism is one of the needs created by society, where travel has become the most desired form of leisure by members of the consumer society. Carlos (in Yázigi, 1996) argues that of the spontaneous activity, the tourism, became coopted by consumer


Why do we travel? || Adriana Brambilla & Maria Manuel Baptista

society that everything he touches turns into a commodity, making the man a passive element, losing its spontaneity, and becoming also a consumer product. Some researchers, like Craik (1997) have analyzed that tourism can be interpreted as a post-colonial strategy, especially when the tourist destinations are more disadvantaged regions, but we can also see that the government itself allied with trade (understood as the number of companies offering tourist services) often take advantage of the history of the country, while former colony as a way of disseminating tourist, forgetting the activity of planning with active community involvement and real. But others consider tourism as an essentially cultural activity because it is a process of interactions between distinct communities that occupy different spaces socially constructed, and that, for this diversity, become attractive to knowledge of the other, the tourist who travels to see new places. (Baker, 2007; Dias, 2005 and Funari & Pinsky, 2001). Given the above, our position is that nowadays we can find people traveling for various reasons , including learning, meeting new cultures and interest in acquiring new knowledge , but can also move from their homes in order to simply rest or to flee their routines. Still, tourism can be seen as closely related to post-colonialism (Hall and Tucker, 2004). Therefore, we find interesting analysis Redfoot, who believes that while many scholars consider tourism a consumer of cultures , a metaphor for the general inauthenticity of modern life, like Fussell (1980 ), which considers tourism a decadent form to travel when compared to voyages of exploration, and Boorstin (1964) considers that the traveler, as a explorer, used to travel to find untapped, and the tourist uses travel agents to avoid these encounters, other authors, has a opposite position, as MacCannell (1976 ) who sees tourists as pilgrims. In this sense, we share the analysis Redfoot that considers that even with opposing views, these scholars agree that tourism is a metaphor for deeper aspects of current society. And so the author sees the tourist is convicted of all attitudes: doomed to inauthenticity if he remains satisfied with the superficial reality, doomed to absurdity of “chasing the remnants of a vanished reality “ if he seeks a more authentic existence and goes on to quote Fussell (1980:49) “... the anti-tourism deceive only yourself. We are all tourists now, and there is no escape.”

4. Bibliographic References Abbinnett, R. (2003). Culture and Identity. London, Sage. Barreto, M. (2007). Turismo Y Cultura: Relaciones, contradicciones y expectativas. Tenerife: ACA y PASOS, RTPC Beck, U. (1992) Risk Society: Towards a New Modernity. London: Sage. Boorstin, D. (1962) The Image: A Guide to Pseudo Events in America. New York: Harper and Row. Carlos, F. A. (1996). O turismo e a produção do não-lugar. In: Yázigi, E; Cruz, R. de C. de A. (orgs). Turismo: espaço, paisagem e cultural. São Paulo: Editora Hucitec. Cervo, A.; Bervian, P.(1983). Metodologia Científica: para uso dos estudantes universitários. São Paulo: McGraw-Hill. Drucker, P. F. (1992). Administrando para o futuro. São Paulo: Pioneira.


Why do we travel? || Adriana Brambilla & Maria Manuel Baptista

Craik, J. (2004) The culture of tourism. In: Williams, S. Critical Concepts in the Social Sciences. London: Routledge. Dias, R. (2006). Turismo e patrimônio cultural: Recursos que acompanham o crescimento das cidades. São Paulo: Saraiva. Drucker, P. F. (1992). Administrando para o futuro. São Paulo: Pioneira. Drucker, P. F. (1995). Sociedade pós-capitalista. São Paulo: Pioneira. Drucker, P. F. (1999). Desafios gerenciais para o século XXI. São Paulo: Pioneira. Funari, P.P. & PINKSY, J. (2001). Turismo e patrimônio cultural. São Paulo: Contexto Fussell, P. (1980) Abroad: British Literary travelling between the wars. New York: Oxford University. Galbraith, J. K. (1986). A era da incerteza. São Paulo: Pioneira. Gil, A.C. (2002). Como elaborar projetos de pesquisa. São Paulo: Atlas. Hall, M. C; Tucker, H. (2004) Tourism and Postcolonialism: Contested Discourses. New York: Routledge. Harvey, D. (1997). Condição Pós-Moderna. São Paulo: Edições Loyola Krippendorf, J. (1989). Sociologia do Turismo - para uma Nova Compreensão do Lazer e das Viagens. Rio de Janeiro: Civilização Brasileira MacCannel, D. (1976). The Tourist:: A New Theory of the Leisure Class. London: Mcmillan. Lakatos, E.; Marconi, M. (1985) Fundamentos da Metodologia Científica. São Paulo: Atlas. Redfoot, D.L. (1984) Touristic Authenticity, Touristic Angst, arid Modern Reality. Durham:Duke University. Richards, G. (2006). Cultural Attractions and European Tourism. Wallingford: CAB International Sancho, A. (2001). Introdução ao turismo. São Paulo: Roca. Selltiz, C.; Wrightsman, L. S.; Cook, S. W. (1987). Métodos de pesquisa nas relações sociais. São Paulo: EPU. Tofler, A. (1970). O choque do futuro. Lisboa: Edições Livro do Brasil. Urry, J. (1990): The Tourist Gaze: Leisure and Travel in Contemporary Societies. London: Sage.


Abstract: This article focuses on the concepts of colonialism, post-colonialism and Lusophony that only now start being discussed openly and demystified in Portuguese studies, and relates them to culture, heritage and tourism. Cultural tourism is presented here as a mean to provide a new approach to Lusophony, which comprises equally the interests of all peoples. The influence of Angola, Brazil, Cape Verde, GuineaBissau, Macau, Mozambique, S. Tomé and Principe and Timor in Portugal is shown, aiming at retelling the history of the city of Aveiro, since early times related to ceramics, and of Portugal, traditionally related to the sea and open to the world. This approach contrasts to the traditional view, where only the influence of “colonizer” in “colonized” countries is taken into account, forgetting that most of the time there is role confusion between them. Based on scientific methodologies, comprising a literature review and of History itself, the research results on a tile route called “Aveiro, city of ceramics, tiles and the world”, which presentation-interpretation contents aim at transforming simple resources into touristic attractions.

Cultural tourism serving lusophony: know the city of Aveiro through the tiles Helena Cristina Vasconcelos Silva1 University of Aveiro, Portugal

Keywords: Cultural tourism, Lusophony, Tiles, Route Introduction At a time when thinkers of post-colonialism in Portugal and studies in Lusophony are still scarce (Baptista, 2006a, p. 25), especially in what concerns about studies comprising the interdisciplinary approach that the theme requires (Pereira, 2011), it is important to reflect on these issues and draw paths that lead to the demystification of the concepts. Reflecting on a hypothetical collective identity, Cunha (2011) states that “the essence of being Lusophone is the same of that being Portuguese, which means, none”. In fact, the identity is simply an imaginary, going much further than a common language and comprises, inevitably, points of divergence. Lusophone imaginary became the one of plurality and difference and it is through this evidence that it is our responsibility to discover the community and fellowship inherent to a fragmented cultural space, whose utopian shared of common unit can only exist through the knowledge, increasingly serious and profound, taken as such, of that plurality and that difference. If we want to give some meaning to Lusophone galaxy, we have to live it, to the extent possible, as inextricably Portuguese, Brazilian, Angolan, Mozambican, Cape Verdean and São Tomé. (Lawrence, 1999, p. 112, our translation)






of “transnational cultural


1 Bachelor’s degree in Tourism at University of Aveiro, undergraduated student of master degree in Tourism Management and Planning at University of Aveiro [email protected]

Cultural tourism serving lusophony: know the city of Aveiro through the tiles || Helena Cristina Vasconcelos Silva

participation” (Cunha, 2011) can only be achieved through an understanding and comprehension of the differences between people of Portuguese-speaking countries, that tourism, as a link of interaction and communication, can and should enhance. However, in order to foster this understanding of plurality, this work, after a consideration of the issues enumerated, presents a route for the public of the “Lusophone galaxy”, whose sites reflect, through the theme of tiles, the influence that countries of Lusophony exerted and still exert in Portugal, confusing the identities of colonized and colonizer (Santos, 2003, p. 27). At the same time the city of Aveiro is shown, through iconic locations, and the presence of art tiles is creased, not only the story of the city is told, but also recounted the story of a Portugal open to the world and with a strong maritime and religious tradition. The tradition related to the sea and the important industry of ceramics and tiles in Aveiro boosted the growth of the region over the years, and its influence in the decoration of the city and in Art Nouveau (of particular interest in the city) is easily observed nowadays. Aveiro currently belongs to the network of nine European Cities of the Urban Network for Innovation in Ceramics (UNIC)1 and is one of the cities of the World Route of Ceramics. 1. Contextualization and historical reflection 1.1. Colonialism, post-colonialism and lusophony Although nautical tradition of Portugal was undeniably an important factor, as well as the tradition of crusades (calling religious and papal support), the leading cause of Portuguese expansion and colonialism was the will to find a “new source of business” and a way to achieve “quick fortune through the profits of a promising activity of commerce, such as grains, precious metals [...], spices, sugar and slaves” (Lara , 2002, p. 26). This clear and undisguised view of the reasons of Portugal for discovering the world, as so often stated (and as if people could, in fact, be discovered), is, however, almost always forgotten when the story of the country is told. It is presented, far from it, the image of the “Portuguese Empire” and, essentially, of Portugal while the “Other” of that empire (Baptista, 2006a, p. 26). This imperial imaginary is created, indeed, over time by Salazar in the minds of Portuguese, mainly through the media, which present the regime as “interpreter of an inexorable historical discourse of the Portuguese, the ‘civilizing race’ or ‘colonizer genius’”(Baptista, 2006a, pp. 26, 38). It is urgent, by the Portuguese ourselves, to demystify history, and put ourselves in a position of self-questioning and postcolonial reflection (Baptista, 2006a, pp. 25, 38). Post-colonialism should include two main parts: the historical period following the independence of the colonies and “a set of practices and discourses that deconstruct the writings of the colonizers and seek to replace it with narratives written from the point of view of the colonized” (Santos, 2003, p.26). Nevertheless, this reflection must be aware of the problem that usually plagues the post-colonial studies: although one of the assumptions of postcolonial theory is the dismantling of the false dichotomies between metropolis and colony, in order to (re)value the cultural production of the colonized territories, in reality these dichotomies end[ed] to be reified through a process of blaming colonial powers and an excessive admiration for everything that seems to oppose them 1 The UNIC project is a network of nine European Cities that share a common industrial and cultural heritage built around a strong ceramics tradition, co-financed by the European Union, through the Program “URBACT”.


Cultural tourism serving lusophony: know the city of Aveiro through the tiles || Helena Cristina Vasconcelos Silva

(Sanchez, 2006, p. 340, our translation).

It is needed, therefore, to find the real and common history to colonists and colonized, that such as in any colonial relationship (Lara, 2002, p. 37), suffered a “transfer of traits and patterns of culture”, because of the contact established over the time, and still brings repercussions to our days. In the case of Portuguese post-colonialism, Boaventura Sousa Santos reinforces this bilateral relationship, considering that this ambivalence resides in other fact, besides the lack of clear distinction between the identities of colonizer and colonized. The author states that “this distinction is inscribed in Portuguese colonizers identity, which does not limit itself to contain the identity of the other, the colonized, because it contains itself the identity of the colonizer, as colonized by others” (Santos, 2003, p. 27, our translation). Following this historical, cultural and linguistic search, the idea of Lusophony is today “theme in which are invested passion and interests that have to do not only with what Portuguese speaking countries are as language and culture from the past, but especially with the present and with the fate of ‘immaterial continent’ that these countries constitute”(Martins, 2006, p. 17). Confirming what has already been mentioned in the introduction, it is understood that Lusophony is an “extraordinarily difficult construction [...,] a highly fragmented geolinguistic space, a full sense of contradictions, a memory of a common past, a multiple culture and a tense shared history “(Baptista, 2006b, p. 9). It is noted that even the name Lusophony refers to Lusitania, to the related to Portugal, and evokes the centrality of the Portuguese matrix over the seven other countries, a dream of intent and Lusiad amplitude (Brito & Bastos, 2006, p. 65, Lawrence, 1999, p. 163), contradicting the egalitarian value wanted in a border community. Harmonizing these issues, Brito and Bastos (2006, p 73/74) formulate three principles for Lusosphony: (a) Globalization: understands that the problems of Lusophony and the affirmation of a community identity based in the language go beyond the language factor and convoke whole governments, NGOs, civil society, etc.; (b) Diversification: recognizes the heterogeneity reality of each of the countries that make up the Lusophone community and that, from the point of view of Portuguese, are marked by elements that have Portuguese origin; (c) Relativization: implies that the Lusophone community, because of the diversity of each reality, is very uneven and lacks cohesion. Moreover, Lusophony only makes sense when designed above nationalities, distinct from any mythical perception of a nation or responsibility for preservation by one part for another (Brito & Bastos, 2006, p. 74). Eduardo Lourenço (1999, p. 192), in a new approach to the Lusophone space or Lusophone imaginary, reminds that it is “in the cultural space, not only empirical but inherently plural, that new imaginaries define any dream of community and proximity will or will not be fulfilled”. The author adds that it is not asked, nor suggested, it will be find in something such as a “mythically ancient common house, for being of everyone and of anyone”. 1.2. Culture, heritage and tourism The cultural heritage established over space and time becomes increasingly expression of culture and identity (Mascari, Mautone, Moltedo & Salonia, 2009, p. 22). In this sense, being Lusosphony a cultural space and, eventually, a collective identity, it is inevitable to talk about culture and heritage. Cultural studies are a composite discipline, and therefore require an in depth analysis of several social, political and ethical issues of contemporary times, calling for a multidisciplinary approach, in order to understand the true meaning of the phenomenon (Smith, 2009, p. 6). In an analysis dedicated to cultural tourism, this reflection focuses especially on the close relationship


Cultural tourism serving lusophony: know the city of Aveiro through the tiles || Helena Cristina Vasconcelos Silva

between culture and heritage and tourism, as well as on how these relationships can work as a symbiosis, where everyone benefits. First, it is necessary to consider the fact that the concept of culture can mean different things to different people. Moreover, the historical and social processes have been creating different legacy systems and values, and therefore not all systems support the political culture in the same way (Smith, 2009, p. 15). The concept has been debated over the years, several definitions have been created, some of them summarizing the behaviors observed through social relations and material artefacts (Wall & Mathieson, 2006, p. 259). On a deeper anthropological sense, Wall and Mathieson (2006, p. 259) believe that culture includes “patterns, guidelines, rules and standards that find expression in behavior, social relationships and artefacts”. From the inability to preserve and conserve all elements of culture, comes cultural heritage, which is the representation of culture through the transformation of the value of cultural elements as a result of a selection of elements and meanings (Pereiro, 2006, p. 24). Cultural heritage thus emerges, in the words of Ballart (1997, p. 27, cited by Pereiro, 2006, p. 24) when “an individual or group of individuals identifies as his own an object or a set of objects”, and where the symbolic value is pointed out as a fundamental characteristic of heritage. In fact, heritage has more to be with significance rather than artifacts themselves: the value, cultural or financial, reason for its selection from the multitude of the past (Graham, 2002, p. 1004). The idea that heritage is defined by the meanings becomes even more complex since it is applied to both tangible and intangible forms of heritage, as UNESCO states (Graham, 2002, p. 1004). According to Pereiro (2006, p. 37), it is clear that the process of transforming resources into heritage use to be related to cultural tourism, which can be seen through rural development programs from European Union, such as Leader or Leader +. From here, comes the conclusion that tourism, in the specific case of cultural tourism, has the ability to contribute positively to heritage and preservation of resources, although it is sometimes understood in the perspective of commodification of cultural heritage and that requires good planning and management. Explicating these ideas, tourism development undertakes three strategies in its relation to heritage (Santana, 2003, p. 59, cited by Pereiro, 2006, p. 37): (1) To preserve and protect knowledge and spaces for the future and the service of science; (2) To maintain and bring together cultural heritage with a use by recreation, oriented to mass tourism, democratizing its consumption; (3) To preserve cultural heritage and to accept a minority and elite tourism. Nevertheless, and although tourism is also benefited by cultural heritage, that “gives it life” (Boniface & Fowler, 1993, p. XI, quoted by Pereiro, 2006, p 38), sometimes the goal of conservation can also collide with the ones of tourism, resulting in its abuse and damage, and therefore these issues should always be considered and prevented. 1.3. Cultural tourism routes In order to plan and manage the offer, it must be held that tourist activity starts in the moment in which the images and products are communicated to visitors, with language being on the base of touristic activity (Figueira, 2010, p. 19). One of the ways of doing it corresponds to organize and to structure routes, to validate the image perceived by the tourist about the destination, to allow to present and interpret tourist attractions and to structure the supply of cultural trips (Figueira, 2010, p. 20). Figueira explains that [route] shaped into a digital database [...] ensures the inventory of tourism resources


Cultural tourism serving lusophony: know the city of Aveiro through the tiles || Helena Cristina Vasconcelos Silva

with tourism fitness, the inclusion of other resources likely, circumstantially or ultimately, to integrate tourism, and raises the invention of attractions designed to the effect [...], considered relevant to the definition of the tourism products that characterize a destination. After this initial process of structuring Routes, comes, in turn, the development of products supported on that repository: Routes, Itineraries and Circuits. (Figueira, 2010, p. 20, our translation)

Constituting the route an instrument of valuing resources, the territories themselves and heritage, its information plays a decisive role in the articulation between tourism and culture (Figueira, 2010, p. 20). The last sentence of the definition leads us to the need to reflect on the three last concepts mentioned by the author: routes, itineraries and circuits. Different definitions are found in the dictionary of the Portuguese language, as well as different levels of scope for each of them, by many authors. However, they all point to the indication of a way to go, specifying the passageways, considering them all as synonymous of route (Maia, 2010, p. 52). So over, in the next few pages will be used interchangeably these concepts, considering them all as synonyms. It is also noted, in creation of cultural tourism routes, the importance of creating contents based on scientific research, capable of being transformed into stories to tell to visitors, providing them quality experiences, while respecting the interests of both visitors and resources. In this follow-up and based on the reflection held up to this point, comes the practice component of this work, which aims at constructing a tool for presentation and interpretation of resources, valuing them and providing a new approach to colonialism, post-colonialism and Lusophony, introduced at the beginning of reflection. 2. Suggestion of a lusophone route in the city of Aveiro 2.1. Methodology By applying the concepts developed by Figueira (2010), concerning the routing process, and based on the history of the city of Aveiro, it was created a route for lusophone public, which aims to show the best the city has to offer at the level of the tiles industry, while contemplating the influence of Lusophony in this territory. 2.2.

The theme of the tiles and the scope of the route

One of the hallmarks of the country’s identity, tiles have been presenting a major highlight in some of the Portuguese cities such as Aveiro. Over the decades, tiles have evolved in Portugal, following the various aesthetic currents and suffering the influence of historical events. Of particular relevance to the research is, for example, the Eastern influence, with exotic motifs of fauna and flora and figurations of Eastern spirituality in the XVII century (National Tile Museum, 2013). Another example is the use of tiles as support of social criticism, incorporating representations with grotesque and ironic intent, in the second half of the century (National Tile Museum, 2013). Also, Art Nouveau, reflected in sinuous shapes of enormous plasticity and exploration of color, in the XX century is remarkable, as well as the new aesthetic proposals of the late XX century, which form the tile designs in modern architecture and urbanism (National Tile Museum, 2013). These influences show that tiles constitute a form of art that reflects society and influences several countries around the world, including Lusophone countries, focus of this work.


Cultural tourism serving lusophony: know the city of Aveiro through the tiles || Helena Cristina Vasconcelos Silva

Apart from being a mirror of the history of the country and the world, present in the streets and buildings, this art has taken different forms, becoming, not rarely, itself an inspiration to other arts. Among the cases that reveal this capacity for renewal and reinvention is an advertising campaign developed by El Corte Inglés, in 2009, released in Brazil, Angola, France and Luxembourg, where the tile is stamped in a dress, photographing it in the foreground in front of the National Museum of Tile (Cabral, 2012, pp. 5/6). Tiles were also used in the costumes of the parish of Alto do Pina, winner of one of the contests of “Marchas Populares de Lisboa” (Cabral 2012, pp. 5/6). Tile acts as a showwindow of the tangible and intangible heritage, particularly of lusophone heritage, contributing to the creation of a shared identity, renewing the cultural sector itself (Cabral 2012, p. 1). It is understood, therefore, that its disclosure constitutes a starting point for a new approach to Lusophony. The themes chosen are based on the theoretical reflection done in the first part of this work and its relationship with tiles. Accordingly, it is intended to tell a story that captivates visitors, addressing tiles and the influence of lusophone countries in Portugal, as opposed to the usual approach that only reveals the marks of Portugal in the world. 2.3. Target market Considering the route as a cultural tourism product, it is defined as the target market segment of visitors for this type of tourism, in the specific case of those who come from the Lusophone countries (Angola, Brazil, Cape Verde, Guinea-Bissau, Macau, Mozambique, Sao Tome and Principe and Timor). Having been carried out in order to equip the IV International Congress on Cultural Studies – Colonialisms, Post- colonialisms and Lusophonies (from April 28th to April 30th, 2014) of an instrument for interpreting and presenting the city of Aveiro, where the congress takes place, the route can be used by any visitor who wishes so. 3. Route: Aveiro, city of ceramics, tiles and the world2 With a soil rich in clay, pottery reveals itself very early in Aveiro, through the importance of the potters, who were involved precisely in the manufacture of ceramics, noting at the outset the importance of their raw material for the city, which arises as a pottery center. A. Vicinity of Aveiro’s Cathedral Although there are documents that put some doubt, it is believed that the pottery industry started in Aveiro in the XVI century. In the vicinity of the current Cathedral of Aveiro, there was a neighborhood called “Barrio of Potters” and occupied exclusively by families of those who practiced the profession, which has been expanding, reaching all the current April 25th Avenue. Until 1978/1979, the avenue was called “Pottery Avenue”, with its name being changed only with the 1974 revolution. B. Aveiro’s Cathedral Before designated Church of S. Domingos of Aveiro and attended by potters, the Cathedral of Aveiro is currently classified as of Public Interest. In the free space of the walls, there are tiles from the XVIII century. Among other representations, at the right there is a panorama of the city of Osma, Spain, in whose diocese was born St. Dominic and at the left the city of Bologna, Italy, with its Benedictine convent of Santa Maria del Monte, where St. Dominic died. The representation of 2 In order to facilitate the Reading and to turn the text pleasanter at the eyes of the visitors, references are omitted throughout the text. Nevertheless, all the information is based on Margalho, 2012 and Sarrico, 2009.


Cultural tourism serving lusophony: know the city of Aveiro through the tiles || Helena Cristina Vasconcelos Silva

foreign cities shows the opening of religion to other countries, in a country open to the world and with a tradition of travelling. C. Street of the Soldiers of the Great War Despite the importance of pottery in the XVI century, the production and use on a large scale of tile in Aveiro only happens later, having been first used in Brazil, which boosted its profiteering during the XVII and XVIII centuries. Transported to Brazil initially only as a solution to balance the weight of the vessels and to simulate the weight of the load of merchandise that was later sent to Portugal, tiles became very used inside Brazilian houses to keep homes cooler and then in the facades as coat against the weather. It is noted, in this street, the use of tiles to coat the facades of buildings (in the XIX century), when many Portuguese return from Brazil, revealing the influence of habits established in the country. This trend of using tile outdoor, as well as the representation of tropical colors and flowery are, in fact, imports, since tiles in Portugal were only used inside the buildings. It is also noted that the strong presence of the panels in civil architecture come from the return of emigrants, the “Brazilian”, who used it as a symbol of status, power and ostentatious wealth. Thus, tile art became economically viable and profitable, leading to the creation of the first tile industries, both in Aveiro and in the north of the country. D. Church of Misericordia of Aveiro and House of Arches The Church of Misericordia of Aveiro, of Public Interest, is the second building whose facade was covered with tiles, being the first (which appears 10 years earlier), in 1857, the building of the former Captaincy of Aveiro’s Port. This last also called “House of Arches” and whose motives panel shows currently elements connected to the sea, revealing the maritime tradition of the city and the opening to the sea and to the world. E. Street João Mendonça Along this street, Art Nouveau takes place in the form of tiles (indoor and outdoor), which appeared in the early XX century. Particularly remarkable are the following buildings: i. Soft eggs house “A Barrica”: house manufacture of soft eggs (traditional sweet of Aveiro), of homemade confection. ii. House/Museum of Art Nouveau: now transformed into Museum of Art Nouveau and Tea House, it presents a menu of very diverse teas, where one can taste teas from around the world – including some lusophone countries. iii. Ancient Agricultural Cooperative: building of civil architecture and of Public Interest. iv. Touristic office: point of information about the touristic offer of the city. F. Aveiro’s canal The canal, as navigable connection to the exterior was one of the key success factors for the development of tile industry, since it allowed the export to many parts of the world. This presence is evidenced, indeed, in lusophone countries that use Portuguese tiles in their buildings, as in the following examples. — Fort of St. Michael, in Luanda, Angola: events and motives from the XV to the XIX century, concerning the history, flora and fauna of Angola are reproduced in tiles. — North and Northeast Brazil: several places. — Maputo, Mozambique: colorful tiles in buildings representing the airline “TAP”.


Cultural tourism serving lusophony: know the city of Aveiro through the tiles || Helena Cristina Vasconcelos Silva

G. Tile industry Over the time, due to this large demand from the Lusophone countries and others in the rest of the world and from domestic demand, several factories of ceramic and tile emerged. i. Cultural and Congress Centre of Aveiro: currently one of the most iconic elements of the city, it is the former building of the factory Jerónimo Pereira, one of the most important industries of the history of Aveiro. ii. Aleluia Cerâmicas: ceramic industry still in operation, it is the main industry in the sector and is present in over 40 countries worldwide, including Portugal, Brazil, Angola, Mozambique, Guinea, Cape Verde and Macao, which demonstrates that the connection to tiles from these countries has not been lost. Conclusion It is understood that this study contributes to the research, since it presents a reflection and connection between the themes of colonialism, post-colonialism and Lusophony with culture, heritage and tourism, concluding that the latter plays an important role. It highlights the importance of tourism as a development motor and a preservation of heritage tool, showing a high potential in developing a new approach to Lusophony, comprising the interests of all peoples equally. Still, cultural tourism, in the form of cultural tourism routes, exposes itself as an important tool of presentation- interpretation for resource valuing, with particular relevance given to the creation of contents on a scientific basis, transforming resources into touristic attractions. The route itself is an element of great use to visitors and may be used by any visitor, even though its target market are the visitors of cultural tourism with interest on tiles, who come from Lusophone countries. Limitations of this study are related to the lack of Portuguese studies about the issues addressed in the initial reflection, as well as the difficulty in obtaining information about some places of great interest to the route. Whereas the route created only includes points of interest in the city of Aveiro, it is suggested, for future investigations, routes in other cities of the country and a deeper analysis of the sites included.

Bibliographic References Baptista, M. (2006a). A lusofonia não é um jardim ou Da necessidade de “perder o medo às realidades e aos mosquitos”. In M. Martins, H. Sousa & R. Cabecinhas (Eds.), Comunicação e lusofonia: Para uma abordagem crítica da cultura e dos media (pp. 23-44). Porto: Communication and Society Research Centre of University of Minho. Baptista, M. (2006b). Comunicação e lusofonia: do lugar acrítico ao lugar da procura. In M. Martins, H. Sousa & R. Cabecinhas (Eds.), Comunicação e lusofonia: Para uma abordagem crítica da cultura e dos media (pp. 9-14). Porto: Communication and Society Research Centre of University of Minho. Brito, R. & Bastos, N. (2006). Dimensão semântica e perspetivas do real: comentários em torno do conceito de lusofonia. In M. Martins, H. Sousa & R. Cabecinhas (Eds.), Comunicação e lusofonia: Para uma abordagem crítica da cultura e dos media (pp. 65-77). Porto: Communication and Society Research Centre of University of Minho.


Cultural tourism serving lusophony: know the city of Aveiro through the tiles || Helena Cristina Vasconcelos Silva

Cabral, A. (2013). Design de moda e património lusófone. [Url [Url: br/anais/anais/8-Coloquio-de-Moda_2012/GT06/COMUNICACAO- ORAL/103719_Design_de_ Moda_e_Patrimonio_Lusofono.pdf, accessed on 14/03/2013]. Cunha, L. (2011). Da pragmática da convergência à sedução da singularidade: discursos e políticas da lusofonia. In J. Gama, A. Gonçalves, F. Raguso & M. Palhinha (Eds.), Cultura Portuguesa. Interculturalidade e Lusofonia (pp. 19-27). Braga: Philosophy Faculty of Braga Catholic University of Portugal. Figueira, L. (2010). Manual para Elaboração de Roteiros de Turismo Cultural. [Url:http://, accessed on 07/06/2013] Graham, B. (2002). Heritage as Knowledge: Capital or Culture? Urban Studies, 39(5/6), 1003-1017. Lara, A. (2002). Imperialismo, descolonização, subversão e dependência. Lisbon: School of Social and Political Sciences. Lourenço, E. (1999). A Nau de Ícaro seguido de Imagem e Miragem da Lusofonia. Lisbon: Gradiva. Maia, S. (2010). Rotas Museológicas na Região de Aveiro – Um estudo empírico. Master thesis, University of Aveiro, Aveiro. Margalho, M. (2012). O azulejo em Aveiro: as características museológicas e a relação com o turismo. Master thesis, University of Aveiro, Aveiro. Martins, M. (2006). Continente imaterial. In M. Martins, H. Sousa & R. Cabecinhas (Eds.), Comunicação e lusofonia: Para uma abordagem crítica da cultura e dos media (pp. 15-18). Porto: Communication and Society Research Centre of University of Minho. Mascari, G., Mautone, M., Moltedo, L. & Salonia, P. (2009). Landscapes, Heritage and Culture. Journal of Cultural Heritage, 10(2009) 22-29. National Museum of Tile (2013). Cronologia do Azulejo em Portugal. [Url:http://www., accssed on 02/05/2013]. Pereira, S. (2011). A dimensão cultural da lusofonia como factor de relevância económica. PhD thesis, Catholic University of Portugal: Lisbon. Pereiro, X. (2006). Património cultural: o casamento entre património e cultura. Revista dos sócios do Museu do Povo Galego, (2) 23-41. Sanches, M. (2006). Portugal não é um país pequeno: contar o “império” na pós-colonialidade. Lisbon: Edições Cotovia. Santos, B. (2003). Entre Próspero e Caliban: colonialismo, pós-colonialismo e interidentidade [Electronic Version] Novos Estudos, 66, 23-52. Sarrico, P. (2009). Percurso do Azulejo de Fachada de Aveiro: Dinâmicas para a sua salvaguarda. Master thesis. Faculty of Arts and Humanities of University of Coimbra: Coimbra. Smith, M. (2009, [2nd edition]). Issues in Cultural Tourism Studies. Routledge: New York. Wall, G. & Mathieson, A. (2006). Tourism: change, impacts and opportunities. Harlow: Pearson, Prentice Hall.


Abstract: The Lusophony is not just a linguistic and territorial issue, it is also a cultural space, marked by their habits and customs, able to promote an intercultural environment between different Portuguese- speaking countries. In this context, this investigation of exploratory nature, enhances tangible and intangible elements associated with the life and work of different poets in the lusophone community. As a result of this investigation, it’s proposed an itinerary of touristic and cultural nature which intends to include emblematic locations of the life and work of these authors speaking in what will be an unforgettable trip through Lisbon.

Lusophone Poets – to the Discovery of a Literary City Silvana Micaela Jesus Serrão1 University of Aveiro, Portugal

Keywords: Lusophony, Culture, Poets, Literature, Itinerary Introduction The lusophony can be understood by understanding a system of relations whose focus is the portuguese language as a common element to a set of eight independent nations at the political, religious and cultural level. Although this concept is understudied, it should be noted that when speaking of lusophony and the lusophone spaces we are talking about a reality in constant construction. The concept of lusophony expresses more than a language, represents cultural and political borders in permanent growth based in communication and dialogue, which is only feasible between institutions and individuals who share the same language. Despite their history, the portuguese language continues to maintain a respectable cohesion within its constituting an assertion elements variations not only in Portugal, but of all the lusophone countries, being still a factor of cultural integration and strengthening of an affective connection, doing part of their cultural heritage and also linguistic. For the preparation of the itinerary, as an instrument for the dissemination of culture, literary heritage and their articulation with the lusophone heritage are presented a set of literary personages (poets) of lusophone origin in harmonization with the ostentation of representative sites of their lives. The main goal consists in contributing to the appreciation of literature and/or culture, whether material or immaterial, present in the lusophone community. Furthermore, it is intended that the proposed itinerary (the practical component of this research) may turn out to be not only as an object of dissemination of cultural content (whether on paper or in digital form), but also an instrument of tourist promotion and dissemination which contributes to greater interfaith and multicultural communication.


1 Degree in Tourism at University of Aveiro, attending Master in Tourism Management and Planning in Tourism at University of Aveiro [email protected]

Lusophone Poets – to the Discovery of a Literary City || Silvana Micaela Jesus Serrão

1. Lusophony, Colonialism e Post-Colonialism The term lusophony only very recently emerged as word registered in the portuguese language dictionaries. The first records appeared just in the eighties of the last century. According to Antunes (2011), “the term passes the consecration in the lexical dictionary of Academy of Sciences of Lisbon in the year of 2001, occupying the page 2310, which tells us”: Lusophony, s. f. 1. quality of being portuguese, to speak portuguese; what is proper portuguese language 2. Community formed by the countries and people who have portuguese as mother tongue or official 3. Diffusion of the portuguese language in the world (cited by Antunes, 2001, p. 30, our translation).

The lusophony can only be constructed as space of culture (Martins, 2006, p. 89). For a better understanding of the “complex cultural community (ies) it is important to take as its starting point the fact that a part of citizens who speak, think and feel in portuguese do not attach any special meaning to the idea of lusophony “(Macedo, Martins and Cabecinhas, 2011, p. 122). This situation is due not only to the geographical distance, which disaggregates the eight portuguese-speaking countries and its many diasporas around the world, but also by its post-colonial history in which one of these strategically positioned itself in other countries political and cultural systems other than the lusophone space “(Macedo, Martins and Cabecinhas, 2011, p. 122). In this way: If the lusophony is a complex reality, does not necessarily has to be a sea of complications. Seems to be a linguistic-cultural space which affirms the political-institutional level, through the CPLP . Is an area of freedom, in which the portuguese language broadcasts to their heritage and continues to develop its default, also the image of each country in which it is seasoned in winning flavour (Galito, 2012, p. 6, our 1


According to Baptista (2000), the postcolonial studies have multiplied dramatically in the last decades of the 20th century. So, “if in the past, the power relations in the lusophone space if expressed through the relation between colonizer/colonized” (Lança, 2010, cited by Macedo, Martins and Cabecinhas, 2011, p. 124), currently in a postcolonial context, the figure of lusophony summons a transnational community, with political-cultural purposes (Martins, 2006, p. 95). “If on the one hand the lusophony can be multicultural and assume various functions by employing the common language, can also be a way of living that still unites us, as if we could communicate even without resorting to words” (Galito, 2012, p. 8). The portuguese language, while identity element fundamental, around the lusophone community, during the colonial period was one of the most important expressions of this same power (Macedo, Martins and Cabecinhas, 2011, p. 124), as well as in the present tense that “constitutes an exercise of power in search of affirmation of a national identity, trans-national or even global” (Macedo, Martins and Cabecinhas, 2011, p. 125). Generally speaking and summarized, “the question of lusophony is not just terminological, it’s also cultural and political. While it is a delicate subject, as this is important “(Galito, 2012, p. 15).”If we are to make sense of the” lusophone galaxy”, one cannot help but to live inextricably as Portuguese, Brazilian, Angolan, Mozambican, Guinea-Bissau, Cape Verde, Sao Tome and East Timor”. In other words, the cultural space of lusophony is inevitably fragmented space (Martins, 2006, p. 90). In this way, lusophony can try to conceptualize on the basis of three principles, globalisation, relativization 1

Community of Portuguese Language People


Lusophone Poets – to the Discovery of a Literary City || Silvana Micaela Jesus Serrão

and diversification, thus resulting in multiple efforts that seek to deal with their heterogeneity (at various levels), taking as multicultural (Brito and Bastos, 2006, cited by Galito, 2012, p. 7). 2. Culture, Literature and Tourism This chapter seeks to summarize the relation between culture, literature and tourism. As such, it becomes essential, as a first resort to define these concepts in order to emphasize the relationship between them. In recent decades, the cultural dimension of tourism has taken prominence, to the extent that increasingly the tourist is looking for meet customs and experiences, hoping to open its cultural horizons while resting their own routine. According to Carvalho (2009, p. 3), the concept of culture can be understood as a “semiotic system that allows you to understand how cultural exchanges resulting from the tourist activity influence the culture of the visitor and visited”. Generally speaking, the same concept: implies a set of values, attitudes and behaviours of a social group or the mix of meanings in which individuals of a given group use to communicate and interact, because the effective place of culture are individual interactions (Saphir in Couche, 2003, cited by Maia, 2010, p. 32, our translation).

According to the author (Maia, 2010) the relation between Tourism and Culture can be considered as a system, the tourist-cultural system. Between these systems (tourism system and culture system) and the surroundings, there are relations of dynamism, interaction, communication and organization. In other words, the systems are not static and are in constant activity, communicating and influencing the behaviour of each of the elements that compose the systems concerned. Many of the cultural products are sufficiently attractive to develop a tourism industry (Ashworth & Dietvorst, 1995, cited by Maia, 2010, p. 33), so “if, on one hand, tourism can be beneficial to the culture, may also benefit from their association with the Culture” (Carvalho, 2009, p. 18). As far as cultural tourism will allow: Provide authentic experiences and facilitate intercultural communication between visitors and visited, as well as the temporary immersion in another culture. In addition, tourism can facilitate obtaining financing for the culture, as this is part of the core business of tourism. Moreover the culture may be essential to differentiate a target in relation to competition (cited by Carvalho, 2009, p. 3, our translation).

In this way, we can say that tourism is an industry where cultural products and cultural experiences are promoted as tourist attractions (Prentice, 1997 in Mathieson and Wall, 2006, cited by Maia, 2010, p. 33-34). The result of this relation is called Cultural Tourism: a kind of special interest tourism based on demand and participation in cultural experiences (Stebbins, 1996, cited by Maia, 2010, p. 34). Besides to previously stated, tourism can also contribute significantly in the cultural field through the cultural heritage protection and the improvement of the educational level of the population. Furthermore, tourist activities have enabled the rehabilitation of some cultures, preserving heritage often overlooked (Mathieson and Wall, 2006, cited by Maia). “In a broad sense, speech, religion, art, sport, science or technology are products of culture” (Carvalho, 2009, p.9). According to Medeiros (2005), literary works, are a powerful instrument of struggle against colonial practices, assuming an equally crucial role in cultural promotion of the countries, so independent. The literature is therefore one of the constructive structures essential identity, consciousness being the foundation of citizenship itself, forms of solidarity and of social and collective heritage (Mendes, 2007, p. 78). Thus, the literature is linked to tourism, giving


Lusophone Poets – to the Discovery of a Literary City || Silvana Micaela Jesus Serrão

rise to the concept of Literary Tourism. This distinguishes “the places and events of fictional texts, as well as the lives of their authors, promoting the link between the literary and artistic production of an author and tourists visiting these locations” (Mendes, 2007, cited by Carvalho, 2009, p. 22). 3. The itineraries in Tourism and Culture In the first instance, this section makes a distinction between the concepts of roadmap, itinerary or route to then understand the contribution/significance of the itineraries in tourism and culture. Generally speaking: “the roadmap, the route, the itinerary, and the circuit, may be considered as structuring elements of the courses offered in a tourist destination, featuring tourist product and engaging the inherent disclosure, of a specific culture to the market, from the local to the international” (Figueira, 2013, p. 25, our translation)

Concerning to the concept of roadmap, this can be defined as: “descriptive component of tourist resources and geographical points of interest cultural tourism, highlighting them for its relevance on the set of all the attractions seen as inherent to the contents of the route (… ). Is the repository of the contents of one or more routes” (Figueira, 2013, p. 53, our translation).

As regards the word itinerary, origins in the word «itinerariu-» whose meaning is “travel”, which may be constructed as roadmap and, also, as a description of a trip characterized for being a journey, described in greater or lesser detail, uniting points of tourist interest of a path. Thus, on a succinct way, an itinerary: “Establishes a specific path that can include two or more locations far between (circuits), being built with hourly indications, in kilometres, cultural, etc. The itineraries and tours both on land, sea, river, air, as can function as independent path or integrated into routes “(Figueira, 2013, p. 85, our translation).

According to Figueira (2013, p. 86-91) an itinerary can be organized according to the tourist product (which includes the sporting, historical, artistic, ethnographic, educational, ecological, health, spas, other therapeutic practices, community, holidays vacation camps, adventure, cultural and religious), according to the means of transport used (pedestrians, road, rail, air, river and sea), according to the thematic (classified as themed), according to the design of the route (encompasses the linear route and nodal), according to his geographical extension (can be local, regional, national, international and galactic) and finally, according to the time length (short duration, average duration, normal duration and long duration). Based on the itinerary to be developed in this study, it is considered appropriate to classify it. Thus, according to the categorization described above, it is concluded that this fits in the artistic and cultural itineraries. According to Figueira (2013, p. 87) the artistic itineraries focus on the art, encompassing “the literary, theatrical, musical attractions, etc., capable of structuring local circuits of visit and itineraries of short, medium or long extension”. It is also a cultural itinerary since they are “dedicated to the discovery of cultural places” (Figueira, 2013, p. 88). It is important to note that in drawing up the itinerary, Figueira (2013, p. 115-119), considers that this must be composed of six steps: the preparation; the ordering of the contents; the production of itineraries; experimentation and testing; the allocation of marks and the placement of the itinerary on the market. Finally, the creation of itineraries associated with the poets then becomes a reality on the rise, since as we include cultural tourism, literary tourism, the city of Lisbon stands out for its ability


Lusophone Poets – to the Discovery of a Literary City || Silvana Micaela Jesus Serrão

to draw literary itineraries based on the life and works of poets who compose the lusophone community. The relation between tourism and tourist itineraries can be understood as: “An excellent way to (re) valorisation and promotion of regional identity, offering visitors the opportunity to unravel past experiences and dive into the historical and cultural roots of the region visited and thus give greater importance to tourism as an appeal to difference” (Mendes 2007, p.77, our translation).

4. Methodology In this study, the methodology addressed is exploratory. As methodological procedure we decided to conduct a literature review to support the creation of a tourist-cultural itinerary in the city of Lisbon. Thus, were defined and analysed concepts related to “Lusophony, Colonialism and PostColonialism”; “Culture, Literature and Tourism” and “Tourism and Culture Itineraries”. In a second part, proceeded to the construction of a tourist-cultural itinerary based on the themes analysed throughout the study, as well as all relevant information about locations, institutions, among others who consider themselves of relevant interest on the various lusophone poets. As such, conducted a search for information in relation to biographies and selected those who were and/or passed through Portugal, precisely in Lisbon. In this way, it is intended to represent a single itinerary the eight countries participating in the lusophone community by means of the poets who hold close connections with Portugal. It is important to mention that the definition of the itinerary was due to geographic locations so that in this way the course could be as feasible as possible. In addition, the city has a strong accessibility to a patrimonial wealth which constitutes one of the strengths for the accomplishment of the itinerary in this locality. Finally, the itineraries are heading to a target audience that has as main motivations the lusophone literature. In addition, it is intended to reach all the lusophone community with the purpose of transmitting an intercultural environment between different countries of lusophony through tourist activity. 5. Proposal for cultural-tourism itineraries of the Lusophone Poets- To the Discovery of a Literary City The itinerary called for “Lusophone Poets- to the Discovery of a Literary City”, intends to outline a journey through literary passages in Lisbon city. In preparing this itinerary, we opted for the predilection of this city since the locations selected for this itinerary are located on this and characterized the relationship between Portugal with other lusophone countries. It should be noted that the itinerary includes two proposals, the first of which is performed with duration of one day and the second lasts from noon and can be performed in a morning or afternoon at the discretion of the visitor. Highlights that the visitor can choose to perform the two proposals or just one of them. Along the route are shown suggestions of other places that consider themselves attractive to visit, however due to geographical distance was not allowed to include in your itinerary, the Editorial Caminho (Alfragide), the Sociedade de Língua Portuguesa (Cacilhas) and the Parque dos Poetas (Oeiras). Based on the literature review presented, sought to understand, in the specific case of the lusophone poets, which sites that best fit the intended itinerary suggest and which consents the identification of cultural values, the historical memory and cultural heritage associated with this theme. Thus, the main points that fit these criteria and become the route are: Casa Fernando Pessoa,


Lusophone Poets – to the Discovery of a Literary City || Silvana Micaela Jesus Serrão

the Casa da América Latina, the Café ‘A Brasileira’, the Casa dos Estudantes do Império (CEI), the bookstore Bertrand, the viewpoint of Sophia de Mello Bryner Andresen, the Antiga Prisão de Aljube, the café Nicola and the Lisbon Airport. The itinerary was developed taking into consideration some criteria, and to enhance the means of transport to be used at the time of completion of the course, the market segment, the period of execution, among other aspects. Related to the means of transport, it is suggested that the itinerary be effected by public transport available in the city (bus, train, subway and tramway), indicating additional information about the respective on the itinerary. In table 1, presented below, are selected the poets for this itinerary, as well as the proposed places to visit. Table 1- Poets and places to visit including in itinerary

The itinerary will be described in more detail on the following pages, to describe the relation of the poets with the places chosen for the itinerary, as well as its relation with lusophony and/or literature. Note also that the relation observed concerning their nationality and have a relation with the literature/poetry and/or passed through Lisbon on educational issues, for example. Alda Lara (Angola) Alda Ferreira Pires Barreto de Lara Albuquerque was born in Benguela, Angola, on June 9, 1930. She lived in Lisbon since adolescence, where she finished high school and attended medical schools in Lisbon and Coimbra. Influenced on renewal of Angolan poetry, with its commitment to the struggle for independence. Been linked to the activities of the Casa dos Estudantes do Império (CEI), being an excellent declaimer and calling attention to the african poets. When she died, her husband, collected her poetry and published posthumously all her work.


Lusophone Poets – to the Discovery of a Literary City || Silvana Micaela Jesus Serrão

Alda Espírito Santo (São Tomé e Príncipe)

Also known as Alda Grace, the poet had her education in Portugal, where she attended university. Her passage for Lisbon was contemporary, especially with other figures of african nationalism in the house of the Casa dos Estudantes do Império. It was one of the best-known african poets of the portuguese language, having occupied positions of prominence in the Government of Sao Tome and Principe, as for example the Minister of Education and Culture and the Minister of Information and Culture. Her poems appear in various lusophone anthologies. Artur Augusto da Silva (Cabo-Verde)

Was born on the island of Brava, October 14, 1912. Studied in Lisbon, where he finished law school in 1938. He debuted on the letters in 1931 with the volume of poetry beyond. Since then he has published several books of various literary genres. However, one of its greatest civic engagements consisted in defending political prisoners, for what in the year 1966, due to the liberation struggle by Guinea, was arrested by the PIDE, at Lisbon Airport. Months later he was released, but unable to return to his country, and fixed a residence in Lisbon. Bocage (Portugal) Manuel Maria Barbosa I-Hedois was born in September 1765 in the city of Setúbal, being considered the most important Portuguese poet of the 18th century. XVIII. With just 14 years joins the Navy and leaves for Lisbon, where he was involved with the literary life and the city Bohemian. After a few trips through Brazil and East returns to Lisbon to start his literary activity. One of the funniest episodes of his life happened precisely in front of the café Nicola, very frequented by poets and other writers of the time. It is said that a policeman asked him who he was, where he came and where he was going, to which the poet replied: “I am Bocage I came from Nicola I’ll go to the other world if you shoot you gun”

Fernando Pessoa (Portugal) Regarded as one of the most acclaimed poets of the Portuguese language, Fernando Pessoa was born in Lisbon on June 13, 1888. Becomes so important to include him in this itinerary as he is one of the greatest poets of all time, known worldwide and which has a strong relationship with Portuguese- speaking countries. It should be noted, as well, Fernando Pessoa’s house where he spent the last 15 years of his life and the café “A Brasileira”, very frequented by the author and which served as a meeting place of artists, writers and intellectuals. In this same coffee, located in Chiado, Fernando Pessoa is immortalized by a bronze statue that sits on the terrace.


Lusophone Poets – to the Discovery of a Literary City || Silvana Micaela Jesus Serrão

Fernando Sylvan (Timor-Leste)

Fernando Sylvan or Abílio Leopoldo Motta-Ferreira, was a prominent figure of the Portuguese language lyrics. Was born in Timor-Leste in 1917 and came to Portugal with only six years. Received in Brazil, where he was working, the Parsonage for his activities in favour of universal brotherhood in 1965. He was also a visiting professor of French and Portuguese at Brazilian universities. In Portugal, was President of the society of the portuguese language. The author has a wide and diversified work in different genres such as poetry, drama, essay and prose, with a strong relationship with lusophony and poetry. Manoel de Barros (Brasil) Born December 19, 1916, Manoel de Barros is a Brazilian poet, distinguishing himself as one of the most original and important of the century Brazil. Although poetry has been present in his life since he was 13 years old, he only wrote his first poem at 19 years old. His work has been published in Portugal, where he received the prize for literature House of Latin America\/Banif 2012. It was also in Latin America that was made a tribute to him, with the presentation of the movie, “only ten percent is lie-Official Desbiografia Manoel de Barros”. Mia Couto (Moçambique)

Mia Couto has an extensive and diverse literary work, including poetry, short stories, novels and Chronicles. Many of his books are published in more than 22 countries and translated into several languages. In addition to being

considered one of the most important writers of Mozambique, he is also the most translated Mozambican writer. In many of his works, Mia Couto tries to recreate the Portuguese language with a Mozambican influence, using the lexicon from various regions of the country and producing a new African narrative model. In 1999, the Editorial path (which publishes the works of the author in Portugal) reedited root of dew and other poems which had its 3rd Edition in 2001. The same Publisher gives the forthcoming in 2011 his second book of poetry, “translator of Rains”. Sophia de Mello Bryner Andresen (Portugal)

Born November 6, 1919, Sophia de Mello Breyner Anderson was one of the most striking Portuguese poets of the 20th century. Was the first Portuguese woman to receive the most important literary award of the Portuguese language, the Camões Prize in 1999. The itinerary the Viewpoint of Sophia de Mello Bryner Andresen, whose name was given in honor of the poet. In this space is a statue of the author, which demonstrates the importance of the writer.


Lusophone Poets – to the Discovery of a Literary City || Silvana Micaela Jesus Serrão

Vasco Cabral (Guiné-Bissau) Born in Farim, the August 23, 1826. Vasco Cabral studied in Portugal, from which he graduated in economic and financial Sciences by Universidade Técnica de Lisboa. He participated in the struggle for the independence of Guinea and Cape Verde, having, after independence, played several roles of Government. He was a founder of the Union of Writers from Guinea-Bissau. In 1953, when he was returning from Bucharest where he took part in the IV World Youth Festival is held in Lisbon, having been in the Aljube prison, and in Caxias. During his time in prison, Vasco Cabral began writing poetry, which after the independence of his country titled the fight is my spring.

A succinct and explanatory way, it is considered that the itinerary made available to the public, must, therefore, include the following information about the main places to visit. Concerning to the first proposal: Casa de Fernando Pessoa: cultural center that performs exhibitions of plastic arts, symposiums, workshops and performances, endowed with a public library specializing in poetry, situated in the building where the author lived during his last fifteen years of his life. Adress: Rua Coelho da Rocha, 16 Campo de Ourique 1250-088 Lisboa Opening Time: Monday to Saturday from 10h to 18h Price: Normal Ticket: 3€; Families (4 pessoas): 8€; Studants and retired: 2€ Children until six years: Free Transports: Bus (9, 20, 38, 26E, 28E) e Subway (Rato) For more information: Casa América Latina: nonprofit association and private law, established by the Lisbon Municipality, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Portugal, by the Embassies of Latin American countries and a number of companies. Its action unfolds in four areas, two of which are the cornerstones culture and knowledge, with activities in various cultural and artistic fields and in the field of ideas and knowledge. It was here that Manoel de Barros received the prize for literature, and he was also made a tribute. Adress: Avenida 24 de Julho 118, 1200-871 Lisboa Opening Time: 09h30-13h00 e das 14h0018h30 (Closed on Saturday and Sundays) For more information: Café A Brasileira: house with an unquestionable historical tradition, located in the Chiado, must-see spot for tourists who wish to take a picture with the poet Fernando Pessoa’s various heteronyms, which remains forever sitting at a table on the terrace. Highlight for decoration, completely faithful to the original and to the presence of modern Portuguese painting.


Lusophone Poets – to the Discovery of a Literary City || Silvana Micaela Jesus Serrão

Livraria Bertrand: the bookstore Bertrand in Chiado was founded in 1732. Located in rua Garrett, in 2010, was considered the oldest Bookstore in activity in the world, by the Guinness Book. Fernando Namora, Urbano Tavares Rodrigues, José Cardoso Pires, Vergílio Ferreira and Dinis Machado were other writers who went to this site. Antiga Cadeia do Aljube: located in Rua Augusto Rosa 42, the Aljube prison was one of the prisons of the ancient regime, closed after the April 25, 1974, being today the headquarters of the Institute of Social reintegration. This, due to its characteristics, it has never been an arrest for fulfillment of feathers, but where the prisoners were when they were being interrogated, having been a prisoner Vasco Cabral. Transport: Bus (737), Tramway (12E, 28) Café Nicola: situated in Praça D.Pedro, is par excellence one of the literary cafes and old Lisbon. Is in operation since the late 18th century, having been founded in 1787 in Rossio by an Italian Nicola Breteiro. In this, he attended a wide range of intellectuals, among them stands out Bocage. Inside this cafe immortalizes the memory of Bocage through the frames exposed inside the establishment. Currently frequented by tourists is promptly release stage of books and book readings. Miradouro de Sophia de Mello Breyner Andresen: former wiewpoint of the Graça, is situated at Largo da Graça and offers one of the most privileged views over Lisbon. Next to the entrance of the church of grace is a bronze bust founded in honour of the poet. And in one of the walls of this church is a poem of his own, entitled Lisbon. Transport: Touristic Tramway “28”. Concerning to second proposal: Museu Bordalo Pinheiro: in this museum is the exhibition “poets like us”. For more information: Aeroporto de Lisboa: situated 7 kilometres from the city centre, the airport of Lisbon is operational since October 1942 and is the largest national airport. This airport has two terminals civilians and a military terminal. Despite having as purpose the carriage of persons and goods, this space was also marked by some social and political events, such as the arrest of Artur Augusto da Silva, a poet and lawyer who fought for the independence of Guinea. Adress: Alameda das Comunidades Portuguesas, 1700-111 Lisboa Transport: Subway (Oriente), Tramway (705, 744, 783) e Bus (1, 2, 3) For more information: Casa dos Estudantes do Império: created during the Salazar dictatorship, the Casa dos Estudantes do Império should support and control students of the colonies. He couldn’t control the students and the house had a key role in the struggles for independence. Alda Lara and Alda Espirito Santo attended this space when they were students in Lisbon. Adress: Avenida Duque d’Avila, 23, Lisboa Transport: Bus (16, 22, 40, 718, 720, 767) e Subway (Saldanha)


Lusophone Poets – to the Discovery of a Literary City || Silvana Micaela Jesus Serrão

Conclusion Generally speaking, through this research we could conclude that the lusophony appears as primordial element of a new post-colonial reality that, in the future, will be able to assume a decisive importance and, even being a canon of aggregation of nations and new entities. It is concluded that the lusophony it is not just a question of language or literature. More than a cultural issue, it becomes a unique instrument of communication and development between individuals and that this recovery must start speaking themselves, overcoming any inferiority complex. The increasing of urban tourism, and respective cultural segment, can lead to the recognition of the role of literature in the development of the city. Soon, the literary heritage should not be understood as a neutral element in relation to the social, economic and cultural dynamics of a city, but may constitute as a dynamic element. This heritage must be valued in the context of cultural tourism development, a dichotomous perspective between past and present, in that literature is assumed as a means to better understand the city, its identity, memory and symbolism, and may contribute to the deepening of the tourist experience. The itinerary Lusophone Poets – To the Discovery of a Literary City presents itself as a cultural tourist product that complements and enriches not only the cultural and tourist offer of the Lisbon region, as well as to all the lusophone community which transmits a vast knowledge about the topic in question and was considered to have been achieved the objectives by performing the same. In future research, it is recommended to develop other studies within the framework of the lusophony, connecting with different types of art (painting, sculpture, music, dance, theatre and cinema) for which thus may assist foundation for a subsequent concept of cultural tourism routes. Therefore, by creating the same hold as main advantages an offer diverse and enriching about the lusophone community. It is further recommended the creation of an itinerary on lusophone poets, but by literary routes, on which allows the visitor to know the destination according to the written works by many poets who compose the lusophone community. As limitations the present study highlights the difficulty in finding relations of superior degree of some poets with the lusophony, as well as articulate some places on the itinerary, they were relatively near to each other and they were concentrated in the city of Lisbon. Another of the limitations indicated it’s the difficulty to relate the concepts of Lusophony with Colonialism and Post-Colonialism.

Bibliographic References Antunes, F. (2011). Lusofonia: Língua Portuguesa a Muitas Vozes. Relatório de Estágio de Mestrado, Faculdade de Ciências Sociai se Humanas, Lisboa. Baptista, M. (2000). O Conceito de Lusofonia em Eduardo Lourenço: Para Além do Multiculturalismo ‘pós-humanista’. Artigo apresentado no III Seminário Internacional de «lusografias», Centro de Investigação e Desenvolvimento em Ciências Sociais e Humanas da Universidade de Évora, Évora. Carvalho, I. (2009).Turismo Literário e Redes de Negócio-Passear em Sintra com os Maias. Tese de Mestrado, Departamento de Economia, Gestão e Engenharia Industrial, Universidade de Aveiro, Aveiro


Lusophone Poets – to the Discovery of a Literary City || Silvana Micaela Jesus Serrão

Figueira, L. (2013). Manual para Elaboração de Roteiros de Turismo Cultural. Tomar: Instituto Politécnico de Tomar. Galito, M. (2012). Conceito de Lusofonia. CI-CPRI, (16), 1-21. Maia, S. (2010). Rotas Museológicas na Região de Aveiro – Um estudo empírico. Tese de Mestrado, Departamento de Economia, Gestão e Engenharia Industrial, Universidade de Aveiro, Aveiro. Macedo, L., Martins, M. e Cabecinhas, R. (2011). Blogando a Lusofonia: Experiências em três países de língua oficial portuguesa. Anuário Internacional de Comunicação Lusófona, 21-142. Martins, M. (2006). Lusofonia e Luso-tropicalismo: equívocos e possibilidades de dois conceitos híper-identitários. Visages d’Amérique Latine, (3),89-96. Mendes, M. (2007). Na senda Estética e Poética dos Itinerários Turísticos e Literários: O Vale de Lima. Tese de Mestrado, Departamento de Economia, Gestão e Engenharia Industrial, Universidade de Aveiro, Aveiro. Medeiros, P. (2013). “Lusofonia: Discursos e Representações”. Revista Eletrónica dos Programas de Mestrado e Doutoramento do CES/FEUC/FLUC, [Url: http://cabodostrabalhos., accessed on 26/12/2013]. Silva, S. (2011). Conceção de itinerário de turismo religioso para a cidade de Valongo. Tese de Mestrado, Departamento de Economia, Gestão e Engenharia Industrial, Universidade de Aveiro, Aveiro.



Colonisations and Decolonisations: Historical Processes 1

Abstract: Between the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, in the State of Sergipe, northeastern Brazil, a portion of land used for sugarcane plantation was cultivated by a free population, formed by partners, tenants and settlers who grew food for self-consumption and the supply of residents from the sugar plantation. These workers lived in or in the vicinity of the mills, were freed slaves or former slaves, who were benefited by the landlords with plots of land, money and other means of production through “postmortem” testamentary gifts. Evidence indicates, the productive familiar segment was formed in this context, with agricultural marketed surplus, arising from donations of land to slaves and household former slaves, whose submission occurred through affective interpersonal relationships and no longer through a slaveholding relationship or by force. Evidence indicates that the majority gave rise to the segment known today as small family farms or family farms. Keywords: Testamentary gifts to slaves and former-slaves; small family production; wills and slaves in Sergipe.

Testamentary gifts of land to slaves and former slaves in Sergipe, northeast Brazil, between the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries Hortência de Abreu Gonçalves1, Lilian de Lins Wanderley2 & Carmen Lúcia Neves do Amaral Costa3 UNIT, Estácio Fase, FANESE, Brasil; UFS, UFC, Brasil e UNIT, Brasil, UA- Aveiro, Portugal

Introduction This work is based on a chapter of the doctoral thesis by Hortência de Abreu Gonçalves entitled “Testamentary gifts and its relation to the organization of the countryside in Sergipe in the period 1780-1850”, defended at the Post-Graduate Studies Center in Geography - Federal University of Sergipe in 2007, later increased by information and results of researches and analysis performed by this author and co-authors listed hereby. In the early days of Brazilian colonization, primary occupation with or without further legal legitimacy was one of the basic forms of ownership of land by landlords and small farmers, including slaves and former-slaves, benefited by peaceful and consensual occupation by the lords of the land or by testamentary gifts of land parcels. To survive in agricultural dealing, many of the slaves and former-slaves went beyond the limits of received plots, into the woods, either expanding its gardens or opening new production areas for the landlord, outstretched as land labor, defined as, the one that serves or could serve for agricultural production, including land forest (virgin forest) and farmyard (secondary vegetation), and excluding those for housing purposes, as well as those already covered with grass, for beef cattle or pack animals. [...] [being] therefore synonymous with agricultural land. (Musumeci, 1988, p. 79).


1 Degree and Bachelor’s Degree in History, Master in Sociology, Master in Geography, Ph.D. in Geography from the Federal University of Sergipe and Post-doctorate in Cultural Studies by the Advanced Program of Contemporary Culture / Science and Culture Forum - Federal University of Rio de Janeiro. Professor of Faculty Estácio de Sergipe-FaSe, Faculty of Business Administration Sergipe - FANESE and Tiradentes University-UNIT. Sergipe /Brazil. Email: ensino.pesquisa @ 2 Degree and Bachelors Degree in Geography - Federal University of Sergipe, masters degree in Geography - Federal University of Sergipe and Ph.D. in Geography - Universidade Estadual Paulista Júlio de Mesquita Filho-UNESPRio Claro. Associate Professor at the Federal University of Sergipe in undergraduate, master’s and Ph.D. in Geography. Management positions: Director of Mineral Resources CODISE / SE; Municipal Bureau of Tourism and Environment Estancia / SE and Environmental Management director of DESO / SE. Currently Post-doctoral student at PPGG / Federal University of Ceará. Email: [email protected] 3 Degree in Social Sciences from the Faculty Frassinetti of Recife - UFPE; Specialization in Higher Education Methodology by UNIT and Methods and Techniques of Social Development Projects by PUC-MG, Master in Communication and Culture at UFRJ. Professor, University Tiradentes - UNIT and a doctoral student in Education - University of Aveiro, Portugal. Email: [email protected]

Testamentary gifts of land to slaves and former slaves in Sergipe, northeast Brazil, between the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries || Hortência de Abreu Gonçalves, Lilian de Lins Wanderley & Carmen Lúcia Neves do Amaral Costa

In these clustered areas, given the intermittency of its usage, it would not be possible to constitute private property and permanent of the families, with constant rotation of crops in these plots. In general, these domestic areas were surrounded by settlers for raising pigs and chickens. These settlers were recognized in colonial period as households, together with the words “slaves of the mill”, arising from the ownership of farmland, received directly from his master. Sometimes the areas of woods cleared by these households were incorporated into the plantation area. In slavery everyday life, masters seized the post-mortem will for manumission donations to worthy slaves, at the time they established a relationship of dependence, with donations of small plots for the support of graced, either for emotional reasons or because they were thinking about bargaining with God the benefit of the salvation of their own soul. This ideological mechanism for controlling the slaves or former slaves made ​​him a reliable accomplice to the lord, who trusted in him for the assurance of keeping intact his domains, preventing people from outside the mill to occupy their lands and to acquire mastery over it. To the ones graced with lands was up, not only during the life of the benefactor, but also of his descendants, to work the land and provide additional services of defense and strengthening the political power of the donor. The landlord provided to these ones graced with lands protection in the courts and defense against the policy of recruitment into armed forces and war. Testamentary gifts to slaves and former slaves in Sergipe between the XVIIth and XIXth centuries In the 140 “post mortem” wills of Sergipe, made by landowners in the period 1780-1850, studied directly in the Judicial Archives of the State of Sergipe (AJES), there were several cases of grants of land and other movable and immovable property, usually accompanied by handouts of money and jewelry for personal use of the recipient and improvements in the property received (Table 1), related to a series of subjective values such as loyalty, obedience and good services, factors that weighed in the decision to grant benefits to the graced. Wills asserted the legitimacy of donations and the area of farmland received by the graced, which in turn, could be sold, exchanged or passed on to their descendants, even when located on land lord, some of them being passed by will (Table 1 ). The Region of Cotinguiba and surroundings was the scene of such initiatives by landowners, area where the prevailed sugar mills and sugarcane production, with the occurrence of bovine breeding and other products in lesser extent.




Village of Santo Amaro das Brotas


Village of Santo Amaro das Brotas (Engenho da Serra Negra)


GRACED slave / former slave

LAND: Heritage and / or Alms Received

Ignácia (Former slave)

House and its small items

Luís Loureiro (grown up as a free man) Antonia Mestiça (former slave)

House with tiles and a goldsmith shop. Cottage and pasture (plot for own usage)


Testamentary gifts of land to slaves and former slaves in Sergipe, northeast Brazil, between the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries || Hortência de Abreu Gonçalves, Lilian de Lins Wanderley & Carmen Lúcia Neves do Amaral Costa


(Nossa Senhora da Piedade do Lagarto)


Lourença (former slave, with whom he had children) Children: Luiz e Vicente (manumitted)


Vila Nova de Santo Antonio Real de El Rey (São Francisco river) Village of Nossa Senhora do Socorro


Anna (established with other heirs) Recognized as daughter with manumission Luiza Maria (free) (daughter of Adriano and Ignácia – slaves) Pedro (son of slave Vicência) (manumitted) Manoel de Jesus (former slave)

Dona Anna Maria Anna Maria Dona Anna

Village of Estância (Village of Santa Luzia) Village of Santo Amaro das Brotas (Mombaça Farm)

1820 1820 1820

Heir of the one third: 01 cattle ranch in Sacco Moreira, 01 cottage called Caetita in said village, houses in the village of Lagarto, 01 farm in backwoods of Vasa-Barris called Lages, 01 large garden in Simão Dias, 01 garden in Retiro, slaves, portion of land in Quebra (delimited) 01 dwelling of houses of mud and tiles, gold and silver

$ 40 000 000 reis of land on the Ranch Sachet and more an arm of gold chain Sole heir of the remaining one third: portion of land with coconut trees 01 delimited plot of land with two stone markers, which from said marks to bottom is the portion that was received, including a house and all the coconut trees, a spun off Mombasa Farm. José (manumitted) $ 600 000 000 reis to purchasing (son of freed half-caste land and house plus slave Pedro. Manoela) $ 600 000 (thousand reis) for the João de Deos (manusame use and slave Francisco mitted)

Religioso Antonio

Village of Estância (Village of Santa Luzia)


Joze de Góis

Boavista Ranch (Nossa Senhora do Socorro)


Felipe (slave) of Joaquim inhabitant from Gentio Ranch

$ 80 000 (thousand réis) and two old ewe, to help in the fields.

João Manoel

Village of Nossa Senhora da Purificação da Capela (Saco Ranch)


Timota (former slave)

01 House to live with the niece of the donor and if this one refused, the house shall be passed to Timota, with plantation to be sold in order to feed the former slave and niece.

Table 1: Testamentary gifts of movable and immovable property to slaves and former slaves of the Captaincy of Sergipe D’El Rey (1780 - 1826) * The last names have been omitted. (Source: “Post - mortem” Wills and Inventories in Sergipe d’El Rey - Judiciary Archive of Sergipe (AJES)).

The description contained in Table 1 denotes that, at the time of preparation of the “post mortem” will, some lords tried to reward his slaves by the good services rendered, not only with clothes but also jewelry, money and land. On many occasions, these values were used for the purchase of freedom, and mostly for access to land and survival through agriculture. In many cases, it was used for improvement and enhancements of the land that they already had, consequently fostering a better quality of life and social status. The numerous donations verified in the literature review well reflect the complexity of the master-slave and former slave relationships in Sergipe, as shown in Table 2 with some examples.


Testamentary gifts of land to slaves and former slaves in Sergipe, northeast Brazil, between the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries || Hortência de Abreu Gonçalves, Lilian de Lins Wanderley & Carmen Lúcia Neves do Amaral Costa

Evidence of use of these donations of parcels of land to slaves and ex-slaves for purposes of family farming, can be confirmed by the inventories of captive honored, as shown in the following example: a slave1 named Vicente, resident at the surrounds of the Village of Lagarto, who has given in his will one and a half tarefa2 of manioc field equivalent to 20 $ 00 (twenty thousand reis), located in the lands of his lord, and animals and other objects, for a total of 101 $ 000 (one hundred and one thousand reis), establishing as his sole heir’s his maternal uncle.

INVENTORIES*– XIXth Century LAND PLOT PRODUCTION SLAVE/ YEAR/LOCA(location) AGRICULFORMER HEIR TION TURE/ LIVESLAVE STOCK Domingos Martinha 1863 / City of São In the lands of One tarefa of (former slave) (his wife ) Cristóvão the lord manioc (slave) Felix Three sisters 1878 / Nª Senhora In the lands of Five folds of man(former slave) (slave) da Piedade do Lathe lady ioc, horses and garto pigs. Vicente Martins 1888 / Nª SenIn the lands of One and a half (former slave) (uncle) hora da Piedade do the lord tarefa of manioc Lagarto Table 2: Inventories of slaves and former-slaves and assets left as a legacy (1863-1888) (Source: Judiciary Archive of Sergipe (AJES)). *Note: Plots received by donation via “post mortem” wills from (the) Lord and located in the lands of benefactors.

Situations like the ones shown above confirm the ownership of land and the formation of the estate of the captive or ex-captive, which could be transmitted to the ascendant and descendants heirs, as well as anyone that he thought worthy of receiving his properties via “post mortem “ inventory as per the Imperial Law 204, art. 4th. subsection 1, Rules 5135, Art. 59. In general, the inventory is a comprehensive list of existing properties and movable property belonging to a particular person. For its preparation, requiere la presencia de un notario para que certifique que los bienes relacionados son efectivamente los que se encuentran en ese lugar en ese determinado momento. Los inventarios se realizan por diversas causas siempre relacionadas con la custodia o con la transmisión de los bienes que se mencionan, es decir con la posesión y la propiedad de los mismos. Generalmente se producen tras la muerte de un individuo y se efectúan para preservar los derechos que sobre los bienes del difunto tienen sus descendientes frente a los que tiene el cónyuge superviviente u otros terceros. Puesto que se realiza tras la muerte de uno de los cónyuges se le denomina inventario ‘post mortem’3 (Gracia, 1999, p. 2.).

The motivation for these donations of plots to slaves and former slaves predominated the fact 1 Notary of Lagarto – CLG 1st Office – Inventory – Cx 01 nº 1089 (1888). 2 N.T.: tarefa is an agrarian unit equals to 3,025 m² in Sergipe State, frequently used for sugar cane fields. 3 “requires the presence of a notary so that he ensures if the related goods are actually those found in that place at that particular time. Inventories are held by various causes always related to a ward or the transfer of assets that are mentioned, and it decides its possession and transmission. Usually occurs after the individual’s death and are carried out to preserve the rights over the property of the deceased descendants. Against the ones who have a surviving spouse or others. Since it takes place after the death of a spouse, it is called ‘post mortem’ inventory “(Gracia, 1999, p.2).


Testamentary gifts of land to slaves and former slaves in Sergipe, northeast Brazil, between the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries || Hortência de Abreu Gonçalves, Lilian de Lins Wanderley & Carmen Lúcia Neves do Amaral Costa

of graced having expressed, in the master-slave relationship, good behavior, loyalty, providing good services and, in many cases, being children outside marriage that, at the time of approaching death of their masters, have been recognized and included as heirs in the remaining one third or even as universal heirs. Conclusion The category of free men and women is quite significant for the breakup of the slave structure, acting as a dissolvent of production relations governed by slave labor. Wills and notary books attest the frequency of Letters of Freedom “granted to slaves by their masters. Free, former slaves remained on the properties of their former masters or sought new opportunities in other farms [or mills], with different occupational choices” (Almeida, 1984, p. 17). Very often, these freed slaves, because they have no other places to live, were integrated to the mill, living off the small plots received by grant from their masters. Over time, such gifts finally consolidated a productive segment surrounding or peripheral to the most valued lands of the sugar cane lords or farmers´ properties, in charge of the called subsistence farming, were the preservation of the family unit was associated to the marketable surplus. This productive segment brought to the forefront by free people or not, was a set without sorting and without other control mechanisms by the dominant sectors, except co-optation or coercion. The literature review demonstrates the presence of slaves and former slaves who received alms money to purchase manumission and for own needs, a situation that in many cases, contributed to the easy access to land. From the 1850s (XIXth century), some constraints pressured the free man to seek continuous paid work, among them: 1. the vegetative growth of the free group; 2. the lower availability of land to be occupied in the province; 3. the fractionation of the sugar mill properties preventing the Lord to use portions of land in return for services; 4. an increased demand for alternative workers in the absence of a relevant portion of slave labor; 5. the value of money, with the consumption growth of objects that British industry spreads everywhere (Almeida, 1984, p.242).

In this aspect, wage labor becomes an alternative, before the Law of extinction of black trade, Law Eusebio de Queiroz (1850) and the Law of the Free Womb (1871), with a new conception of labor, weighing on this the responsibility of trust and dedication to lord-master. This fact leads to a current situation nowadays, when small farmers need to supplement their incomes during certain times of the year, working on other properties as an employee, especially when their plot is found embedded in larger properties, mainly mills, eventually providing services to these farms to get greater gains or supply the stages of crop season.


Testamentary gifts of land to slaves and former slaves in Sergipe, northeast Brazil, between the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries || Hortência de Abreu Gonçalves, Lilian de Lins Wanderley & Carmen Lúcia Neves do Amaral Costa

Bibliographic References Almeida, M. (1993). Nordeste açucareiro (1840-1875): desafios num processo de vir-a-ser capitalista. Sergipe no século XIX. Aracaju: UFS/Secretaria do Planejamento - BANESE. ______. (1984). Sergipe: fundamentos de uma economia dependente. Petrópolis, RJ: Vozes. Gonçalves, H. (2007). Doações testamentárias e sua relação com a formação do espaço rural de Sergipe no período de 1780-1850. Doutorado em Geografia, UFS. Aracaju: UFS. ______. (2001). Sergipe entre os anos de 1780 e 1855: a relação campo-cidade na formação do território. Mestrado em Geografia, UFS. Aracaju: UFS. ______. (1994). As cartas de alforria e a religiosidade. Sergipe (1780 - 1850). Aracaju: UFS. Mestrado em Sociologia, UFS. Gracia, M. (1999). “Lector, lecturas, bibliotecas...: el inventario como fuente para su investigación histórica” in Anales de Documentación, nº 2. Zaragoza: Universidade de Zaragoza. [Url:http://www., accessed on 20/12/2006]. Musumeci, L.(1988). O mito da terra liberta. São Paulo: ANPOCS, Vértice.


Abstract: This paper presents the results of an ethnographic research conducted in Bananal, a small town of approximately 11 000 inhabitants located in the Vale do Paraíba, State of São Paulo, Brazil, one of the main coffee production centers of the eastern region of the State of São Paulo in the 19th century. My research first surveyed local students to investigate popular beliefs regarding the Saci, a typical character of Brazilian folklore. At the local schools and beyond, I came across memories, songs and dances that are typical of the black population brought to Brazil by the African diaspora. That population features cultural patterns which are fundamental to the understanding of the cosmogony of that small community surrounded by the lush landscapes of the Mata Atlântica1 of the Serra da Bocaina2. Bananal is located in the historic valley of the Paraíba do Sul river and still preserves much of the traditional culture and main features of 19th-century Brazil, including the neoclassical architecture of its mansions and the habits and cultural manifestations of its population, such as the Jongo, a music style strongly related to diaspora and marked by the antiphony of its songs. Based on oral history, Bananal’s scenario was therefore ideal to survey the memories of the community, the Jongo, the history of Brazil’s black population, and last, but not least, the precarious state of the public school system that provides those social groups with basic education.

The history of education of the black people: a case study on culture and social memory in the Vale do Paraíba – São Paulo - Brazil Diego da Costa Vitorino1 & Dulce Consuelo Andreatta Whitaker2 FCL /Araraquara Campus – UNESP, Brazil

Keywords: Social Memory – Afro‑Brazilian History - Public School Introduction This research was conducted by means of direct observation and close contact with the research subjects, an approach I started applying during my master dissertation to survey the main elements of the Afro-Brazilian culture that have survived in the memories of certain social groups and has marked their identity. Due to the exchange of people and ideas, Brazil and Western Central Africa have co-operated with each other through the black Atlantic or South Atlantic axis since the fifteenth century (GILROY, 2001; ALENCASTRO, 2000). In addition to understanding the role of school in the community, my research took into account how ideologies, the cultural process, and the awareness of the subjects are formed. School routine is regularized and bureaucratized and, instead of 1 The Atlantic Forest (Portuguese: Mata Atlântica) is a terrestrial Biome and region which extends along the Atlantic coast of Brazil and its inland. 2 The Serra da Bocaína is a mountain range located on the border between the states of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo in southeastern Brazil.


1 Doctorate student of the Graduate Program in School Education of the UNESP - São Paulo State University “Júlio de Mesquita Filho”, Science and Portuguese Faculty of Araraquara – SP – Brazil. Researcher at the NUPE – CLADIN – LEAD/ GT – CATAVENTO. E-mail: [email protected] 2 Professor at the Science of Education Department of the Graduate Program in School Education – UNESP - São Paulo State University “Júlio de Mesquita Filho”, Science and Portuguese Faculty of Araraquara – SP – Brazil. Researcher of the CNPq – National Council for Scientific and Technological Development –, which supports the research Social Memory, Environment, and Aging in Rural Brazil: three different views (a comparative study). A CNPq project on research productivity, 2010. E-mail: [email protected]

The history of education of the black people: a case study on culture and social memory in the Vale do Paraíba – São Paulo - Brazil || Diego da Costa Vitorino & Dulce Consuelo Andreatta Whitaker

providing full quality education, creates an unsatisfactory system for the formation of working class citizens. Pedagogical coordinators of Brazilian schools are not able to meet the real needs of the students; they don’t fulfill their task of building an efficient pedagogical proposal for teaching and learning which should fight ideologies and transform working class children into citizens aware of their rights. Rather, the work and actions of pedagogical coordinators in local schools is more than often purely bureaucratic, aimed at solving secondary issues of pedagogical policy projects and they are often given tasks that less qualified professionals could do. Given the context of a public school that operates at a minimum capacity of school “success”, it is crucial to understand the education of a part of the Brazilian working class (mostly made up of brown and black people – categories used by IBGE – The Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics). On the margins of the school system According to Gonçalves & Gonçalves e Silva (2000), adult literacy and the promotion of a more complete education for children has always been a common goal of informal educational projects developed by black organizations that emerged as a part of the struggle against the marginalization of that population after the abolition of slavery. The authors claim that the total lack of concern for the black issue in the early 20th century made the black movement “assume the task of educating and schooling” children, youth and adults. The beginning of the 20th century is marked by the authors of the first stage of the history of education of the black people in Brazil. The second stage starts in the second half of the 20th century and consolidates itself in the 1980s. According to Gonçalves & Gonçalves e Silva (2000), the first period is marked by the consolidation of the national State and the centralism of its policies. At that time, the black movement faces much political resistance by all Government levels in assuming its “black condition” within the Brazilian society, hindering their access to education. Nevertheless, the movement took the opportunity to increasingly denounce the lack of schooling. The authors state that in the first period, civil organizations were created that were better prepared to deal with the issue of education. Although school education had been universalized at the end of the 20th century by means of free public school guaranteed by the State of [in-]Justice (typical of Latin American countries), it remained the main preoccupation of civil entities. In the 1980s, the Unified Black Movement [MNU – Movimento Negro Unificado] was created, which acted heavily on the issue of education. Still according to the authors, at that time, the MNU suggested radical syllabus changes, emphasizing the need to increase the access of black people to different levels of education, in addition to give importance to permanence scholarships so that young black people wouldn’t have to interrupt their studies due to financial problems. The main obstacle to the education of the poor in Brazil lies in the power relations between these actors, as well as in their relationship with the environment and society. Therefore, human relations at school and in the community need to be analyzed as well to find out how schooling institutions operate in contexts of oppression and domination. Analyzing the history of education of the black people in Brazil allows us to locate the position of black culture on the symbolic goods market of Brazilian society and understand the dialectic between culture and ideology - a major issue of cultural studies.


The history of education of the black people: a case study on culture and social memory in the Vale do Paraíba – São Paulo - Brazil || Diego da Costa Vitorino & Dulce Consuelo Andreatta Whitaker

A culture on the margins of the school syllabus According to Stein (1961), the Africans who were brought to the inland of Brazil’s Southeastern Region originated from both West‑Central and East‑Central Africa (Mozambique). Some were baptized catholic as soon as they arrived, but most of them just received new names that were given to them by their owners. During the mass, the blacks used to sing and play music. The priests traveled to the farms on patron saint days or to baptize the black. The historian further states that farmers would exclude African healers from their properties, accusing them of witchcraft. According to Stein, healers were identified by their habit of separating a part of their food for their spiritual guides before starting to eat. Meetings between slaves and healers usually took place in the woods or even at the slave quarters, according to Stein (1961). During the “works” of the so-called “quimbandeiros”, the slaves used to sing and clap hands. They kept figurines of St. George, St. Benedict, St. Sebastian, Sts. Cosmas and Damian. And, according to Stein, the preferred one was St. Anthony. The main difficulty of the slaves was to soothe the harshness of their owners and avoid corporal punishment, which was part of the supervision and discipline system applied to the relations between masters and slaves. In exchange for their work, healers were given food or money. Sometimes, even the farmers would request their services. According to the research by Stein (1961), the Saci seems to be a character that has been part of the West African social memory: The Saci, or Saci-Pererê, as he was often called, liked to play tricks, usually bad ones that sometimes had unpleasant outcomes. No one was able to accurately describe his appearance, but everybody knew his general description. He was a single-legged small boy who was always smoking a pipe, like most male and female slaves. He was often found sitting on the farm field gates. A Portuguese teacher living in Vassouras was intrigued by the Saci and reported that ‘the reputable authorities on these matters, the elderly women, make the Saci responsible for all the setbacks that occur in their lives which they cannot explain. A farm dog was found dead without explanation – the work of the Saci. A calf escaped unexpectedly – it was all Saci’s fault, too. A girl would wake up with a headache and felt she could not go to school – one could be sure that the Saci was passing nearby ... Or, a Jongos singer, overly proud of his talent, could meet the Saci by nightfall, start a singing challenge with the Saci, who would make him walk into nowhere until he was completely lost. With the ease and simplicity of the storytellers of the societies with a strong oral tradition, the African ‘aunts’ or ‘dads’ would made up those stories about the naughty Saci. (STEIN: 1961, 243-244) (my translation)

Despite the fact that historians admit that the data on slave traffic from Africa to Brazil in the 16th and 17th centuries are rather unreliable, we must acknowledge a deep relationship between West‑Central Africa (and maybe even East‑Central Africa) and Brazil (ALENCASTRO, 2000; SLENES, 2007; KNIGHT, 2011; VASINA, 2011). As can be seen in the first part of the work by Alencastro (2000), the formation of Brazil occurs outside the national territory, more precisely in the South Atlantic axis: Our colonial history should not be confused with the continuity of our colonial territory. Brazil has always been reflected upon outside Brazil, but in an incomplete manner: the country appears as an extension of Europe. However, the idea discussed in this book is different and relatively simple: the Portuguese colonization, founded on slavery, gave way to a bipolar economic and social space, encompassing a production area based on slavery in coastal South America and a slave reproduction area centered in


The history of education of the black people: a case study on culture and social memory in the Vale do Paraíba – São Paulo - Brazil || Diego da Costa Vitorino & Dulce Consuelo Andreatta Whitaker

Angola. At the end of the 16th century, an aterritorial space, a lusophone archipelago emerges, made up by enclaves in Portuguese South-America and trading posts in Angola. That’s from where Brazil emerges in the 18th century. We don’t intend to discuss the Portuguese colonies in the Atlantic in a comparative manner in the chapters of our book. Instead, we aim to show how these two parts, joined by the ocean, complete each other within one single colonial exploitation system whose uniqueness still deeply marks contemporary Brazil. (ALENCASTRO; 2000, 9) (my emphasis) (my translation)

In that respect, the purpose of my research is to establish connections between that region of Africa and the formation of a black cosmogony in Brazil. The historiographies I refer to here are the background required to understand the stories based on the oral tradition of the African groups trafficked to Brazil by the ocean routes. Vansina (2011) asserts that the Brazilians entirely dominated the slavery trade in Angola from 1648 to 1730. In addition to the transit of people and ideas from Africa to the New World, many plant species were brought from America to West‑Central Africa, including corn, peanuts, manioc, beans, and tobacco. A profitable trade route was therefore established, and especially a distinctive economic and social dependence between Brazil and West‑Central Africa. According to that author, at the end of the 17th century, the Portuguese Crown starts losing control of the slave trade, which gets into the hands of quimbares or ovimbares (better known as Afro-Portuguese), and Brazilians, who operated through those Afro-Portuguese agents in Luanda and Benguela. The decline of the African states in the 18th century strengthens the trade networks, which allowed trafficking more than 6 million Africans from Africa to other continents in that century alone, of which 1.8 million were sent to Brazil, i.e., 31.3 percent. Vansina (2011) reckons that the mortality rate of the slaves sent to the New World must have been between 10% and 15%, depending on the amount of people concentrated on the ships. Based on that data, the author emphasizes that Angola was economically dependent on Brazil. In 1800, 88% of Angola’s revenue resulted from trafficking people to Brazil. According to Knight (2011), Africans and Afro-Americans, as slaves and as free men, contributed to tame much of the full extent of the American continent. “Whatever the number of Africans was in any given country, Africa left a deep and indelible mark in America.” (KNIGHT; 2011, 877) (my emphasis) Are these the marks that have survived in Bananal? According to Knight (2011), the African diaspora was much larger in America than in Europe and Asia. In America, at the beginning of the 19th century, the population of African-American slaves and free men reached 8.5 million. Out of these, 2 million lived in the United States, another two million in the Antilles, 2.5 million in Brazil, and 1.3 million in continental Spanish America. According to the author, the Africans heavily influenced not only the rural regions, but also the entire Atlantic shore of the Americas, developing the most varied types of production and playing a wide range of social roles. As stated above, the data on slave trade to America are quite controversial. However, Knight (2011) claims that P. D. Curtin offers the best overall picture of that flow of enslaved Africans, who amounted to approximately 10 million people. On the other hand, Genovese’s research, among others, increase that estimate by 2% to 3%, i.e., to around 12 to 13 million people. Bananal and the historic valley of the Paraíba do Sul river (Silveiras, Areias, Arapeí, São José do Barreiro) are some of the first coffee-producing regions in the State of São Paulo, according to Motta (1999). At the end of the 18th century, only few properties produced coffee in that region and agriculture was developed for subsistence: corn, manioc, chicken and pig farming. Many farmers, who descended from the poor immigrants that populated the Paraiba Valley in


The history of education of the black people: a case study on culture and social memory in the Vale do Paraíba – São Paulo - Brazil || Diego da Costa Vitorino & Dulce Consuelo Andreatta Whitaker

the 17th century, got rich by cultivating coffee between 1800 and 1830, and built some of the largest fortunes of that time. Some of them even became barons during Brazil’s imperial era. Motta (1999) also crosses the city’s data on the economy and on the demographics for that period and claims that the peak of the coffee production and the economic power of the coffee producers from Bananal lies between 1830 and 1850. In opposition to the official history of the Coffee Elite of the 19th century, the literature used here aims to situate the lives of those who have been excluded from the school system, from better life conditions in the 20th century, and from the ballrooms of the Coffee Elite in the 19th century. The Jongo was a popular rhythm among African and Brazilian black people during slavery and was commonly played on the occasion of their own traditional festivities and those of the non-black population. The abolition of slavery was celebrated with the Jongo, which survived in Bananal until 1970. The style is an important intangible expression of our culture and has been studied by several researchers, such as Borges Ribeiro, Lara & Pacheco (2007), Stein (1961), among others. During an interview with a 78‑year old subject born and raised in the town of Bananal, we tried to find out how and where the Jongo groups were formed. She answered the following: There at my parents’ home. There was also a family near the Bom Retiro Farm. On St. Peter’s Eve, they would throw a party and Jongo was played there. Jongo was played throughout the year. The men would sing and then the women. The men chanted and the women responded. It was really great. It was even beautiful.

In 1949, Stein (1961), an American historian, was the first researcher to survey the places where Jongo was played in the town of Vassouras, Paraíba Valley of the State of Rio de Janeiro, and to describe them in his classic historiographic work on the Brazilian economy of the 19th century: Greatness and Decadence of the Coffee in the Paraíba Valley (1961). His recordings were published in Memory of Jongo by Lara & Pacheco (2007). Gilroy (2001) states that the antiphony (call and response style of singing) – typical of Jongo and described by Dona Teresa above – is the main feature of the musical tradition of the black diaspora. According to the author, the black musical performances are experienced in an intense manner “and sometimes reproduced through overlooked styles of significant practices, such as mime, gestures, body language, and clothing.” (GILROY; 2001, 166-167) According to the local Jongueiros, the sound of the drums may take the dancers to different levels of consciousness. Many reports refer to the magic force of the sound of the drums, since they are considered connecting devices between the material and the spiritual worlds in the black cosmogony (SLENES, 2007)3. According to the interviews conducted, a very large number of families used to organize Jongo dance groups. This shows that this kind of manifestation was common, as well as other manifestations of our culture that became usual in the 20th century, such as the Samba dance groups and the Samba de Lenço. Dona Teresa starts talking about the clothes: “Women would only use long skirts. When they whirled, those skirts would spin, fly, like that.” The interviewee, informing us about the dance, remembers her grandmother, as well as some of her Jongo dance group experiences she had as a child, including the following verse: 3 In my Field Book, I recorded a story commonly told among the Jongueiros of the Vale do Paraíba (that was as well recorded by the folklorist Borges Ribeiro), that states that immediately after a Jongo event, there were holes in the ground where the drums had been standing, such was the excitement of Jongo dance group. Other reports talk about dust that rose almost magically from the ground.


The history of education of the black people: a case study on culture and social memory in the Vale do Paraíba – São Paulo - Brazil || Diego da Costa Vitorino & Dulce Consuelo Andreatta Whitaker

[cantando] “Bate tambor grande, Repilica o candongueiro, Tambor grande é minha cama, O pequeno é meu travesseiro”

[singing] “The big drum is beaten, The candongueiro answers, The big drum is my bed, The small one is my pillow”

Although the colonization process was based on slavery and consequently on the humiliation and dehumanization of the African and Brazilian black people, it couldn’t erase the memories brought from overseas, which, in Brazil, enriched the traditional culture, including the arts, music, cooking, life style, worldview and religiosity. The issue of school education in Brazil In Brazil, popular education takes place despite the lack of materials and infrastructure. It depends financially on the State and is extremely inefficient in fighting poverty and social inequality, required to achieve genuine social mobility. Our investigations among Brazilian NGOs highlight the lack of infrastructure in the third sector, since it cannot rely on the support of the private sector, as well as the lack of regularization and transparency in the management of civil society organizations (VITORINO, 2009). Despite those facts, the popular education proposals support pedagogical actions that are able to reverse the status quo of the black and the poor. The university admission preparation courses that emerged at the end of the 20th century became strategies used by the middle and lower classes to send their children to Brazilian universities, according to Whitaker (2010). In this respect, the Brazilian education system, as well as other basic services offered by the State to the poorest population, features serious issues that result from the lack of infrastructure, which is caused by the corruption of the political system and the lack of interest in promoting social mobility. The popular education proposals and the affirmative actions that took place at the beginning of the 21st century are, for the black and the poor population, tools that may ensure access to universities and social mobility. One may therefore assume that the growing amount of similar projects throughout Brazil – a phenomena that took place from the end of the 20th century to the first decade of the 21st century – suggests the strengthening of social actions by actors that belong to marginalized groups, which directly impacts on educational policies. The political debate of the redemocratization period had a direct impact on the national legislation and on the Brazilian education. Law nº 11.465/08 that amends Art. 26‑A of law nº 9394/96 (LDB) – modified by law nº 10.639 of January 9, 2003 –establishes the mandatory teaching of African and Afro-Brazilian history and culture, as well as the culture of the indigenous peoples by the country’s educational system. It is no coincidence that such laws arise in the beginning of the 21st century and it illustrates the ability of the movement of authorizing itself, or rather, of transforming its actors in authors of social action. One realizes that although (formal and public) school education is inserted into a rich reality, both in terms of preserved nature and of historical memory and the playful aspects of its culture, it has remained distant, over-bureaucratized and alienated from the elements that could build an attractive and efficient syllabus. Some of these social phenomena are systematically ignored by the school in the process of teaching students and are understood by the common sense as folklore or inexpressive knowledge


The history of education of the black people: a case study on culture and social memory in the Vale do Paraíba – São Paulo - Brazil || Diego da Costa Vitorino & Dulce Consuelo Andreatta Whitaker

for the understanding of Brazilian reality (GOMES, 2001). This thesis corroborates the results of my analysis, given the fact that the social memory of the black population has been discarded by the elementary school in Bananal. As do other educational systems, do the schools of Bananal follow an ideology that defends that the educational system should break away from popular knowledge to build socially valued knowledge found only in books and typical of the so-called “erudite” culture? That’s what some renowned Brazilian pedagogues suggest. According to that ideology, the children of the lower classes should be provided with all the contents that are offered to the privileged, thus facilitating their integration into the society of classes. Faced with that problem, the importance of Paulo Freire’s revolutionary pedagogy should be emphasized, which questions the process of literacy of the oppressed in Latin America and in some African countries and which, even today, is a left-wing pedagogy able to solve the contradictions that result from the dialectic Oppressor versus Oppressed.

Bibliographic References Alencastro, L. (2000). O Trato dos Viventes: a formação do Brasil no Atlântico Sul. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras. Gilroy, P. (2001). O Atlântico Negro: modernidade e dupla consciência. São Paulo: Editora 34; Rio de Janeiro: Universidade Candido Mendes, Centro de Estudos Afro-Asiáticos. Gomes, N. (2001). “Educação Cidadã, Etnia e Raça: o trato pedagógico da Diversidade” in Cavalleiro, E. (org). Racismo e Anti-racismo na Educação: repensando nossa escola. São Paulo: Selo Negro. Gonçalves L. & Silva, P. (2000). “Educação e Movimento Social”. Anped. Revista Brasileira de Educação, nº15, sept/oct/nov/dec, pp.134-158. Knight, F. (2011). “A Diáspora Africana” in Ajayi, J. (editor) África do Século XIX à Década de 1880. Brasília: UNESCO (vol. VI - Coleção História Geral da África); São Paulo: Cortez. Lara, S. & Pacheco, G. (org.) (2007). Memória do Jongo: As gravações históricas de Stanley Stein, Vassouras, 1949. Rio de Janeiro: Folha Seca. Motta, J. (1999). Corpos Escravos, Vontades Livres: posse de cativos e família escrava em Bananal (1801-1829). São Paulo: FAPESP: AnnaBlume. Slenes, R. (2007). “Eu venho de muito longe, eu venho cavando: jongueiros cumba na senzala centro-africana” in ______. Memória do Jongo: As gravações históricas de Stanley Stein, Vassouras, 1949. Rio de Janeiro: Folha Seca. Stein, S. (1961). Grandeza e Decadência do Café no Vale do Paraíba. São Paulo: Brasiliense. Vansina, J. ( 2011). “O Reino do Congo e seus vizinhos” in Ogot, B. (editor) África do século XVI ao XVIII. Brasília: UNESCO (vol. V - Coleção História Geral da África); São Paulo: Cortez. Vitorino, D. (2009). O Cursinho Pré-Vestibular da ONG FONTE (Araraquara-SP) à Luz dos Debates sobre Racismo e Cultura Negra. Dissertação de Mestrado: UNESP-FCL/Ar. Whitaker, D. (2010). “Da «Invenção» do Vestibular aos Cursinhos Populares: um desafio para a Orientação Profissional” in Revista Brasileira de Orientação Profissional, nº2, Vol.11, jul/dec, pp. 289-297.


Abstract: The present study aims to analyze the theme: the Alvará of July 25, 1638, with force of law over Grão-Pará and Maranhão villages’ administration, its implications and relevance of this jurisdiction. This royal document demonstrates the power assigned and granted to the priests of the Society of Jesus in Maranhão-Grão-Pará by the king of Portugal concerning the missions in that vast territory and it outlines regulations for the administration of the Indian villages, the settlers as well as the delegation of the choice of the administrators of such villages. Furthermore, it contributes to the understanding of the great moments of turbulence which were followed by demonstrations and even changes in the law itself for the benefit of some and fury of many others. The methodology followed by this study is historical and critical based on the analysis of the document that is in Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino, Box 1, Maranhão, aiming to understand the importance of the Society of Jesus as articulating power among the king, the villages, the Indians and the settlers. Keywords: King; Alvará; Villages of Grão-Pará and Maranhão; Indians; Society of Jesus

The promulgation of the law of July 25, 1638, ensured and guaranteed the genesis of the mission villages in Grão-Pará and Maranhão by the Society of Jesus as prior to the creation of this jurisdiction their priests were not able to establish mission due to the fact the villages were always denuded of their menfolk as the Indians were mobilized to work in the sugar plantations, in mills or at wars promoted by the settlers. The origin of the mission was intended to ensure the doctrinal activity of the Society of Jesus in turn somehow it would be exerted dominance over the Indians who opposed themselves to the labors imposed upon them by the settlers. And this would change everything mainly in relation to the possession of Indians issue of constant conflicts between Jesuits and settlers. Moreover, since their arrival to Brazilian lands, the Jesuits showed their great ability to deal with the Indians and such achievement gave them an obvious advantage and granted several concessions to the Order confirmed by the king through the Alvará establishing the following: the good information I have concerning their services in the State of Brazil and more achievements of the priests of Society of Jesus by the conversion of souls in the name of God our Lord, I intend that such ecclesiastical administrator be the superior of the Order in the so-called town of São Luís, while this is right and I do


Ecclesiastical Administration of Indian Villages in Grão-Pará and Maranhão: strategies and adaptations to the Alvará of July 25, 1638 Benedita do Socorro Matos Santos1 & Sousa, A. N.2 University of Évora, Portugal

1 Doutoranda em Ciências da Educação: História. Subárea: História do Brasil Colonial. Instituto de Investigação e Formação Avançada-IIFA pela Universidade de Évora - Portugal. Endereço: Universidade de Évora: Largo dos Colégios 2, 7000- Évora. E-mail: dra. [email protected] 2 Mestrando em Recursos Humanos na Universidade de Évora. Endereço: Universidade de Évora: Largo dos Colégios 2, 7000- Évora. E-mail: star. [email protected]

Ecclesiastical Administration of Indian Villages in Grão-Pará and Maranhão: strategies and adaptations to the Alvará of July 25, 1638 || Benedita do Socorro Matos Santos & Sousa, A. N.

not decide otherwise, having present the virtue and zeal of the priests of this Society which always have elected person of such virtue, instruction, understanding, wisdom and example of life, in order to be able to accomplish the obligations of such great position. (The king, 1638)

However, the settlers were at a disadvantage due to the way they mistreated the Indians describing them as savages and referring the need for controlling them concerning the work in plantations and family ensuring thereby their livelihood and maintenance of their own fortune. But the royal order of July 25, 1638, came to modify the pieces from the Portuguese administration board in Colonial Brazil especially in Grão-Pará and Maranhão which is why the priests of Society of Jesus came to be maligned and frowned upon by the settlers. The priests, despite the storms caused by the colonists, refused to be slaughtered and soon began to organize missions by building schools, churches, villas and residences, burgeoning and expanding their purpose to redeem the souls in the Luso-Brazilian space. Indeed, the will, persistence and faith they had brought with them and their vows of obedience to “Santa Fé” as a shield of devotion in propagating the Catholic faith sustained a strategic and an adaptable way to the New World contributing to the permanence of the Society of Jesus throughout that vast territory for several years. Even with the threats rising during the promulgation of the law, the priests stood firm in their purpose to catechize, teach and instruct the Indians, the children of settlers and others who were willing to undertake such ecclesiastical movement. Strategies and adaptations came to be sustained due to the context of Colonial Brazil at that time mainly in the north in the area intended for Grão-Pará and Maranhão which developed with the effort of indigenous and slave labor force, having been inhabited by the largest number of Indian tribes, said “Savages”. And furthermore, who held the majority of them got the power to best produce on their land, ensuring wealth for the kingdom and for themselves. And thus, the Indians were the frequent cause of disputes among Jesuits, settlers, governments and others. However, the Indians were considered miserable “bugre” in certain derogatory narratives, so persecuted and so desired, the Indian men used as labor force and the Indian women used as labor 3 force and for pleasure . The difference concerning the Jesuits was that the priests saw the Indians as beings of soul to catechize and redeem. But they also benefited from indigenous services without the physical violence inflicted by settlers. Thus, farms, villages, residences, mills of the Society of Jesus were the most thriving and widened before the whole territory of Grão-Pará and Maranhão, however, the embryonic germ of fortune and lust glimpsed by settlers emerged from an hour to another effortlessly, the priests having acquired consistent and continuous empire at full steam in properties and Jesuit prosperity. Indeed, the colonists felt aggrieved because the Indians remained mostly at the disposal of the priests who protected them from all evils imposed by the settlers. Then, just wars were carried out, with unjust properties for the domains of winners and slavery to the losers or annihilation of the prisoners of war. This generated a very turbulent and violent period since the Indian tribes were constantly waging wars and the losers were enslaved or beheaded by their executioners during a ceremony as shown in the picture below.


Ecclesiastical Administration of Indian Villages in Grão-Pará and Maranhão: strategies and adaptations to the Alvará of July 25, 1638 || Benedita do Socorro Matos Santos & Sousa, A. N.

Image 1. “The enemy captured in battle was brought to the village of the winner and, among the




eaten by all the tribe. The ceremony of the prisoner death was held some days after his capture and, in this interval, they were dedicated good treatment and consideration” (p.39). (Source História do Brasil (1972) 150 anos de Independência. Rio de Janeiro: Bloch Editores. V.I.)

Anyway, the colonists were always interested in these movements and even at times they encouraged the tribes by distributing hoes, machetes, sickles and more to fight against their enemies whatever they were Indians, British, French, i.e., depending on the time or the occasion, everything to defend and keep their fortune. The Jesuits, however, by trying to protect the Indians intervened and formed missions using all the power they had near the Portuguese court always obtaining favorable results and their demands attended without further delay. The event immediately in response to the appeals of the priests was the Alvará conceiving the jurisdiction of the Village of Grão-Pará and Maranhão to the Order, a fact confirmed by Franco (2006, p. 155) punctuating the following issues: 1. Few religious Orders managed to, from modernity onwards, effectively gather such an extensive amount of material resources and spread, worldwide, an organization marked by its considerable cohesion and effectiveness, on behalf of the supernatural ideas of evangelization as the Society of Jesus. 2. And also in consequence of this religious service, constitutionally defined and justified by the Jesuits as the very significant power of influence acquired near the elites of political power, especially near kings, ministers and counsellors of European Courts and other peoples in the world, either in important functions as confessors, counsellors, educators, preachers, intermediaries, technicians, diplomats and experts in several scientific areas, or simply as trusted friends. Thus, in this political and administrative context, the Alvará turned into law through the written words and feathers of the king, being fulfilled by the priests of the Society of Jesus and arising riots from the settlers as the law only benefited the Order. Such law confirms the following privileges to the administrator: there will be two hundred thousand reis for his maintenance, and for each year that State enshrined in


Ecclesiastical Administration of Indian Villages in Grão-Pará and Maranhão: strategies and adaptations to the Alvará of July 25, 1638 || Benedita do Socorro Matos Santos & Sousa, A. N.

tithes, paid in cash and farms, the payments made as usual by the Royal Treasury of that State, for which the provisions necessary will also be carried out (…). (The king, 1638)

Then, the priest chosen for this mission was Luis Figueira regarded by the fellows Jesuits as a gifted man, of value, prestige and knowledge, so-called the “great master of language, he began the construction of the College of Our Lady of Light in the capital of São Luis and started the series of catechizing pilgrimages, going down the Amazon to the Xingu” (Betendorf, 1910: XV). Luis Figueira was not only the priest but also a man whose mission was the evangelization of souls wherever the Society of Jesus rode their domains with no choices of continents: East or West to develop the purposes of the Order fulfilling what was ordered since the beginning of his Jesuit training. The priests underwent lengthy training of faith, perseverance, which exceeded the limits of body and soul and risked their own lives as narrated by Father João Felipe Betendorf several times in the book Chronica da Missão dos Padres da Companhia de Jesus no Estado do Maranhão referring to the death of Father Francisco Pinto and other missionaries at the hands of the Indians4. The fulfilment of their duty was superior to the ravages of life on earth before the peoples they would have to conquer. On all sides from West to East, the priests needed missionaries and it was not different in the Provinces of Grão-Pará and Maranhão constantly requesting friars to fulfill the mission in that vast territory which was still in a primitive state. The State of Maranhão, defined by the division of Colonial Brazil under Portuguese administration, in its extent comprised in year “of September 3, 1626, the following limit that started not far from the 5 falls of S. Roque, 30 to 30” L. S., extending to the River Vicente Pinson (Oyapock) , which would later benefit the State of Maranhão, due to its location close to the Atlantic, i.e., the effect of sea currents favored direct access to Lisbon. Besides goods and connections, it enabled in an agile way to reach the Portuguese Crown. Soon, the State of Brazil was no longer favorable as the State of Maranhão became the main route of loading and unloading of materials (sugar cane, cachaça, rice, gold, etc.). Thus, in the picture below, we may wonder how many missionaries of the Society of Jesus would be necessary to control the area allocated by the State. Image 2. Map of the State of Maranhão and the two captaincies in 1626­. (Table second from http://objdigital.

acervo-digital/ div-cartografia/ cart 555828).


Ecclesiastical Administration of Indian Villages in Grão-Pará and Maranhão: strategies and adaptations to the Alvará of July 25, 1638 || Benedita do Socorro Matos Santos & Sousa, A. N.

Due to its territorial extent, the State of Maranhão facilitated quick access along the Atlantic coast and also the existence of more indigenous labor force in this area, such fact led to several French, British and Dutch attacks on account of their interest in this Portuguese colony and, according to Father Betendorf (1910, p. XIII), the State of Maranhão comprised two main captaincies, the one of Maranhão and that of Grampará, subdivided in other secondary ones, some belonging to the Crown, many awarded to donatories, almost all situated along the Atlantic coast, few in the interior, near the rivers’ mouth but already with a great number of communities along the Amazon River banks until the Madeira and Negro.

Thus, the articulation between the Jesuits and the king somehow ensured the control of the Indians but also provided wealth to the Portuguese Crown as the Indians after being dominated by the Jesuits became allies and they were the knowers of the earth, of the drugs of the sertões, they deforested, hunted and raised cattle being present at all moments of war and peace. Conversely, the Portuguese Crown established contact with the settlers and these commanded also the Court when they felt hampered as in the case of the Alvará from 1638 issued by the king and passing a new “law dated from October 17, 1653, by which revoked the previous one and the chapters 6 concerning freedom, leaving the door open to unjust captivities” . The Indians, in turn, by joining the wars promoted by the colonists, the Jesuits and the king, set forces to eliminate their adversaries from rival tribes. In fact, we are convinced that this articulation came to benefit all in a certain way, the Jesuits in the catechization for the spread of the Catholic faith, the Indians in the elimination of rival tribes, the king by promulgating the Alvará to help the Jesuits and settlers ensured the maintenance of his wealth, and the settlers in the acquisition of Indian slaves for their own purposes. Therefore, the circle turned constant each one at its time with maintenance and strategies to stay in power.

Bibliographic References Betendorf, J. (1910). “Chronica da Missão dos Padres da Companhia de Jesus no Estado do Maranhão” in Revista do Instituto Histórico Geográfico Brasileiro, Tomo LXXII, parte I. Rio de Janeiro: Imprensa Nacional. Franco, J. E. (2006). O Mito dos Jesuítas: Em Portugal, no Brasil e no Oriente (século XVI a XX). Das origens ao Marques de Pombal. Lisboa: Gradiva. Leite, S. (1938a). “História da Companhia de Jesus no Brasil” in prefácio Tomos IV. Lisboa/Rio de Janeiro: edições Loyola. p. IX. ______. (1938b). “História da Companhia de Jesus no Brasil” in Livro I Tomos IV. Lisboa/Rio de Janeiro: edições Loyola. p. 9. ― (1972) História do Brasil: 150 anos de Independência. Vol. 1. Rio de Janeiro: Bloch Editores. ― (1638) Alvará com força de lei sobre a administração das Aldeias do Grão-Pará e Maranhão Julho. Lisboa – Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino., Maranhão, Cx. 1. pp. 25.


Abstract: It will be analyzed, in this work, the importance of literature in the construction of a post-colonial identity. The focus is on individuals and groups who want to build identity through culture. Literature, in the development of identity, will have a role in territorial, social and intellectual cohesion, and also to provide meaning to community life. After establishing a parallel between literature and identity, we´ll analyze Pepetela´s work The Utopia Generation, keeping in mind the idealist and fictional nature of literature and its capability in translating certain perspectives of reality. These perspectives will put two different views in contrast: a utopian aspiration in the colonialist era; a dystopian disappointment in the post-colonialist era. Through the different characters in Pepetela´s book, we will make correlations between the distinctive personalities and the role each will have in a post-colonial Angola. There will be an analysis about the importance of economic and political contexts in the path taken by the characters, and on the importance of analyzing a post-colonial independence that didn’t managed to fulfill innumerous ideals. A government where the politicians would not act on finding a place for everyone in a culturally fragmented country

Literature and Identity in The Utopia Generation by Pepetela Gilberto Santiago1 & Ye Lin2 University of Aveiro, Portugal

Keywords: Literature; Identity; Pepetela; colonialism; postcolonialism. 1. Literature and identity Literature uses words by transfiguring them, adding new meanings. This enforces the idea that human being is a creative entity. In the never-ending search for meaning the writer and the reader both evolve. They create worlds that go beyond facts. Some of the great literature themes are justice and oppression, rebellion and liberty, peace and war, good and evil. They impact reality and our own identities. When searching search for identify in literature, the individual will face metaphysical problems that will be transformed by the exterior and vice versa. Therefore the mark of literature can be: “…determined hic et nunc and brings identity and an universal value from tbecause it is an historical reality, or in other words, it represents an irrepressible moment of human existence (Salinari, 1981: 50)”

This historical settings of literature are not only temporal, but also connected to the utopical space of the ideas, the transcendent,


1 Gilberto Torres Alves Santiago – Degree in Línguas Literaturas e Culturas, University of Aveiro, doing masters in Línguas literaturas e Culturas, University of Aveiro. [email protected] 2 Ye Lin – Taught Portuguese language in China and is doing her masters degree in Línguas literaturas e Culturas on the University of Aveiro. [email protected]

Literature and Identity in The Utopia Generation by Pepetela || Gilberto Santiago & Ye Lin

of what is beyond the surface, bringing new perspectives about humanity and our surroundings, of what defines our identity. In Plato´s Banquet we have the description of Eros birth, the conception about human´s nature that affirms humans are not able to generate their own physical existence or their own meaning for life, but nature gives them a desire that makes them beggars of what is infinite: at the same time that they do not achieve plenitude, they spend all their time searching for it. With that, the individual is an entity that needs others, so that his perceptions of meaning are amplified. Marcuse (1997) counters this idea by saying that the individual wants freedom to follow his passions and find happiness, but he´s bounded to moral and social contracts. This search for plenitude can be translated as asearch for identity. If the individual and collective identity is defined, there will be an understanding of what we are, where we are, and how we are seen. From that solid base we construct our personality and we become free to try and achieve the plenitude that is only achievable in a social space that brings safety and stability: “Freedom without safety generates insecurity (Bauman, 1988)”. This search is always in progress and similar to the search of identity, an endless organic construction. Humanity uses literature in that endless search and through it, orders and adds new points of views, possibilities, transcends reality, adding or subtracting characteristics, generating visible or metaphysical changes, and providing a valuable heritage to new generations, providing them with knowledge and perspectives that can be used to build their own identities. 1.1. Literature in the rescue of Angola´s identity Angola´s decolonization doesn´t end with its independence, the imperialist interests still exist in the shadows of the political world, promoting civil wars for decades, impoverishing the people and adjourning the possibility of an identitary union. The same people who fought to achieve Angola´s independence are now moving through the political instability in order to get rich easily. Facing these politics, unprepared to deliver an economy capable of generating minimal conditions for a dignitary way of life of Angola´s people, there is a need of strong enough voices who can help the people to acknowledge new alternatives, voices that would come from intellectuals, writers, etc. We can observe in the colonial period the literary movement importance in the unification of the armed troops of Angola, it was indispensable to achieve the victory upon the colonialists. All those years fighting for independence, gave Angola a feeling of strengthened nationalism. By uniting against a common enemy these guerrillas had to transcend many of the negative aspects born from the social problems and the colonialism: conflicts between ethnic groups, tribalism and racism. This strengthned the notion of nation, and many writers will value that in their works Therefore we can say that the war against colonialism: “(…) doesn´t change just the direction of the occident history, but also contests the historical notion as an ordered and progressive unity. The analysis of the colonial despersonification not only goes against the illuminist notion of Man but also contests the transparency of the social reality as a pre-dated reality of the human knowledge. (Bhabha, 1998: 72)”

One of the big problematics is an identitary unity that evolves very slowly, even after the independence of Angola. There is, in fact, an urgency in exorcizing the chains imposed to cultural expression and to achieve an identitary resurgence that was imprisoned by the colonialists (and now by Angola´s own political party), through art, in this case, through literature. But when the reality of Angolan people


Literature and Identity in The Utopia Generation by Pepetela || Gilberto Santiago & Ye Lin

are hunger, lack of infrastructures and political support, the identitary factor becomes a secondary priority, survival comes first. The ones that can lead this fight are the intellectuals who have the means to do so: “The high Portuguese fiction of these last year’s shows that despite all the wounds caused by the great trauma of the Colonial Wars and the wounds caused by the end of the Portuguese empire in Ultramar, it has already begun the process of transforming tragedy of an historical moment in mythic production, and future generations will face it as the beginning of a new age where they will be living.. (Coelho, 2004: 122)”

The literary production of many African writers in the colonial and post-colonial time is bounded without question to the historical and cultural settings of their time and questions that arose from them. It´s not literature focusing on entertaining the reader, but a mean of transmitting ideas, aspirations, a way for the writer to intervene in society, by changing the way people see themselves when facing different cultural, social, economic and political realities. Chaves adds to this notion the following: “The history of our literature is the proof of the generations of writers who were able to, in their times, propel the process of our freedom by expressing the aspirations of our people, especially the most explored factions. Angola´s literature appears not only as a simple aesthetic need, but as a fighting weapon for the Angolan Man. (Chaves, 1999: 32)”

The colonist presented himself many times as the humanizer, but he ripped the colonized of his individuality, his humanity, and some of the African literature tries to rescue that individual humanity: “It is not enough for the colonialism to shred the people in its threads, empty their brains of all matter and essence. By some logical perversion, he orients himself to the past of the oppressed, deforming, disfiguring and annihilating them. (Fanon, 1979: 15)”

1.2. The voice of Angola in the literary voice of Pepetela Pepetela, with The Utopia Generation, meditates about the several paths individuals choose whille searching for identity. In an identitary perspective, the characters of this book always have two horizons: the hope of a fair, independent Angola, and the exploration of a country weakened by war, a gutted Angola, without the immediate possibility of giving life to the ideals proclaimed in the struggle for independence. The chapter “the house” captures the colonial period (since 1961), the Angolan youth living in Lisbon, in the Empire Students House, discussing the reality of the colonies: “They were years of discovering the missing land and its hopes. Conversations in the Empire Students House, where the youth who came from Africa gathered. Conferences and lectures about the reality of the colonies. The first readings of poems and tales that pointed in different directions. And right there, in the center of the Empire, Sara discovered her cultural differences from the Portuguese. (Pepetela, 1992: 13)”

The poems and tales where literary mechanisms of awareness for the youth, they contained the voices of hope of the Angolan people. Revolutions are the solidification of ideals and the wishes of some individuals and groups, in this case the need of independence for the Angolan people. The way to focus and gather these wishes are in the hands the hands of those who use the power of ideas. In most cases, writers, philosophers and


Literature and Identity in The Utopia Generation by Pepetela || Gilberto Santiago & Ye Lin

intellectuals share their visions of the world and inspire, propel others to follow their points of view. But after utopia we have reality, appearing after conquering the main goal, Angola’s independence, many ideals were left unattended. Now there is a need to fight against poverty, against civil war and the need of honest politics : “This matter of utopia is true. I tend to think that our generation should be called the utopia generation. You, me, Laurindo and Victor, and I’m only mentioning the ones you´ve known. But also many others, who came before or after us, in a certain moment we were all pure, wanted to build a fair society, without differences, privileges, persecutions, a community of knowledge and thought, the paradise of Christians indeed. At a certain point, even if for a brief moment, we were pure, uninterested, thinking only about our country and fighting for it. (Pepetela, 1992: 202)”

The great intellectuals and idealists, who fought for a worthy Angola, found themselves now depleted by the failure of those ambitions: “– For example, we don’t have a future, nor do we represent the future. Already we are the past. Our generation consumed itself. All that needed to be done at a certain moment was done, we fought, achieved independence. After that we consumed ourselves. One must know when to stop, when there is nothing left to offer. Many do not know that, they hold on to a more or less glorious past, they are fossils. (Pepetela, 1992: 214)”

The character of Aníbal has no place in a post-colonial Angola, he doesn´t fit in a corrupted Government, built on empty promises, where the needs of the people are always second place. Aníbal was an immense force in the conquering of independence, but now he exiles himself, he has no place in a reality that can only cause him anguish and sadness , we notice hidden echoes of Pepetela´s own interior voice in Aníbal: “– You felt good between them. If I didn´t said anything, you would go and accept a white and discuss with him. You looked like another person, you would open yourself, I would even say, happier. – Maybe. Sometimes I go there to talk. – Because you are marginalized like them? (…) – I´m always with the victims of the process. Maybe it´s pride, but I never feel good surrounded by winners. (Pepetela, 1992: 214)

Aníbal, like Pepetela, uses writing to fulfill the identitary void that the independence couldn´t suppress. It´s in literature where he finds a safe house to further develop his identitary position. With textual ambiguity (Ricour, 1987), a horizon of interpretation are opened, where we try to place ourselves. Aníbal and Pepetela show us their perspectives, fallouts and joys, because these are experiences shared by all in the unshakable character of stories, who will, definitely have, an educative role (Eco, 2003). The desired utopia is for the artist to use people as the destination of his art, to regain his audience, and change, in the process, its social structures (Lukács, 1967). The main concerns of Pepetela would be to reach the intellect, broaden the ideals, the aspirations of the Angolan people, so that they could reorganized their identity and stop being victims of the political and social whirlwind, where war and misery was a constant. In Pepetela, the Angolan people and culture are the pillars of his writing, the reason why his characters, in the early stage, constructed their revolutionary ideals, fought against the violence of the colonial subjugation and the oppressive westernization of the literary production (that started to be challenged more intensively since the 50´s by distancing itself from the European pattern). In


Literature and Identity in The Utopia Generation by Pepetela || Gilberto Santiago & Ye Lin

The Utopia Generation, there is a dialogue about literature, by Horácio to Laurindo that validates this idea: “Check the Viriato da Cruz book. He marks a definitive rupture with the Portuguese literature. The use of the voice of the people, in the language that citizens of Luanda use. It has nothing to do with what we´ve seen before, in particularly with the Portuguese. It´s a frontrunner literature, expressing the popular feeling of difference. (Pepetela, 1992: 77)”

Many Angolan writers used dialects and marks of Angolan tradition like the quimbundo, not only to connect with their people but also because of the need of a linguistic identity that was not a product of the colonialist language, in this case, the Portuguese. It was a tool that could bring unity to the Angolan people but also a constant reminder of the cultural imposition of the imperialist colonialism. Because of this, there is a revalorization of preserving the oral tradition of the past, creating a discursive ambiguity filled with Angolan expressivity. In a way it delays the linguistic unity but it also protects the cultural identity that survived the colonial mutilation. In the post-colonial period there are descriptions, in Pepetela´s The Utopia Generation, of colonial imperialistic mentality, proving the identitary confusion of elements of Angolan society. The exploration of the back man by his brother, the backward and forceful mentality that Angola´s independence was unable to suppress. Pepetela uses the characters of Malongo, Victor and Elias to demonstrate the presence of an Eurocentric and colonialist mentality, the same one that was created to protect colonialist interests and that never should be used by individuals that wanted to have a positive role in their communities. Lterature has a role in showing certain attitudes and mentalities in texts that educate by showing the wrong example. Then the reader opposes will oppose his own possible attitudes towards the described situations and build new perspectives and reformulate his own identity. The following dialogue shows the legacy Malongo gained from Portuguese mentality and the conception of the colonialists, using them for his own personal gain. In a context where Angolan people shouldn’t accept being exploited, in an independent Angola, by necessity, they had to go through it: “– You do not learn, do you? You stupid negro. You forgot the salt again, you son of an old bitch. Come here, come taste it. Malongo grabbed his head with both hands and forced his face in the plate, taste this you retard, taste it so that you can learn. João tried to fight, but the boss was too strong, and his face was only freed when a colossal slap threw him against the balcony wall. (…) João shook his head and got up. His eyes smaller, because of rage and he screamed: – You think that this is still a colonist land? (…) – Shut your mouth or I’ll hit you again. – We are independent you heard? Nobody has the right to hit me. – You can go clean your stuff and get out of my face. Or I’ll give you a beating you won’t forget. There are plenty of people like you that want to work in my house. I slapped you so you can learn, because stupid Negros like you can only learn like this. You don´t want to learn? Then that´s your problem, get out of my sight. – Aren´t you also a Negro? You look like a colonist, even worst than one. (Pepetela, 1992: 292-293)”

The ideals, utopias characters shared while studying in Lisbon through literary texts, tconversations, where meant to transfigure reality and protect Angola´s future from injustice. Pepetela, shows with a certain type of dialogues that not everyone gave genuine importance to those utopias. The well being


Literature and Identity in The Utopia Generation by Pepetela || Gilberto Santiago & Ye Lin

of the collective didn’t have enough strength to face the egoistic individualism. The Government in his core hashthe principle of safekeeping the interests of whom he represented, but he created or was ivolved in power games that ruined those aspirations: “You can never talk seriously about business without being involved in politics, he though. You can refuse it all you want, but it´s inevitable. Even me, who never wanted to get wet, became involved in these conversations, if I wanted to do business. But they are much more interesting than the ones we had in our youth, when we wanted to change the world and only discussed abstract stuff, like freedom, equality and social justice. It was a bore, always with words that nobody understood, profit, exploration, fight here, revolution there. Now it´s much better, it´s all about fooling the government or the other, so that you get rich faster. At least, this is clear and positive, the only politic that can interest me. (Pepetela, 1992: 271) ”

2. The eternal cycle of Utopias and Dystopias The literary combat of Pepetela wants to give a a place and a meaning to Angolan people identity, so that they can perspective new measures and directions. There are times when the utopia takes control of the writer’s literary speech, and other times where the dystopia of Angola´s reality creates a desolated, frustrated tone. We always have glimpses of new utopias, because they are needed for change to occur. We can observe this in Judite´s dialogue: “The past never justifies passivity-said Judite. If we all say that nothing´s worth, then it´s better to die or let ourselves die, it´s always more coherent than to vegetate. (Pepetela, 1992: 208)”

Angola is still going through a long cultural transition, seeking a constructive identity and a renewed vision from the past, where the colonial and post-colonial dystopias will be faced as examples in constructing a fair society, an independent Angola, economically and culturally. Pepetela and other writers are contributing with literature. Politicians should contribute with politics that foment social well being, and the larger faction of the disfavored people should renew their interest in surpassing the serious problems that got the country in that precarious condition.


Literature and Identity in The Utopia Generation by Pepetela || Gilberto Santiago & Ye Lin

Bibliographic References: Bauman, Z. (1998). O Mal-Estar da Pós-Modernidade. Rio de Janeiro: Jorge Zahar Ed. Bhabha, H. (1998). O local da cultura. Belo Horizonte: UFMG. Chaves, R. (1999). A formação do romance angolano. São Paulo: Via Atlântica Coelho, N. (2004). “A guerra colonial no espaço romanesco”. [Url: viaatlantica/article/view/49792/53896, last access in 30/12/2013]. Eco, U. (2003). Sobre a Literatura – Ensaios. Lisbon: Difel. Fanon, F. (1979). Os condenados da terra. Rio de Janeiro: Civilização Brasileira. Lukács, G. (1967). “Arte dirigida” in Revista Civilização Brasileira, nº 13. Rio de Janeiro, pp. 159-183. Marcuse, H. (1997). “Para a Crítica do Hedonismo” in Cultura e Sociedade. São Paulo: Paz e Terra. Pepetela (1992). A Geração da Utopia. Lisbon: Publicações Dom Quixote. Plato. (1998). O Banquete. Lisbon: Edições 70. Ricoeur, P. (1987). Teoria da Interpretação. Lisbon: Edições 70. Salinari, C. (1981). “A arte como reflexo e o problema do realismo” in Vértice, XLI, pp. 440-441.



The presence of the colonial and the post-colonial imaginary in Literature 1

Abstract: The 1980s were crucial years in the emergence of a new form of historical consciousness in Brazilian art and literature, especially concerned with questions of collective memory and identity. History, in its most different meanings, became a kind of leitmotif in novels, paintings, and movies. The issue amongst artists and writers was to cope with the very complex crossroad of tendencies and possibilities that were at their disposal in the 1980s. This was articulated with the necessity of re-signifying history and self-image in a moment marked by deep political and social transformations. The process of Democratic Transition occurred parallel with a profound re-thinking of self-representation in the region, an aesthetic transition that meant to redefine the way the past had been presented in order to reformulate the way a desirable future could be achieved.

Decommemorating the Past, Decolonizing the Present: Historical References in Brazilian Art and Literature during the Democratic Transition

Keywords: Brazilian Democratic Transition

Daniel Mandur Thomaz




Universiteit Utrecht Buscar minha identidade em mim, frente a frente, face a face, corpo a corpo. Terei coragem de levantar-me desta escrivaninha, abrir a porta do armário, buscar o espelho e enfrentar a minha imagem refletida, para poder superar o passado impresso no corpo e prepará-lo para o futuro? [Look for my identity in myself, face-to-face, body to body. Will I have the courage to get up from this chair, open the closet door, look in the mirror and confront my reflected image in order to overcome the past imprinted on the body and prepare it for the future?] (Santiago,1981:209)

This is the dramatic question posed by Graciliano Ramos, the character drawn by Silviano Santiago and based on the historical figure of the intellectual, politician and writer arrested during the Vargas dictatorship in the 1930s. The first sentence of Santiago’s book is quite emblematic: “I don’t feel my body”, and goes through the first paragraph into a deeper exploration of this symptom: “I have not had the courage to see the body from where these phrases came, the courage to see me as a body, which image is reflected in the mirror behind the door of the wardrobe”(1981:209). It is curious how the period of imprisonment had a hugely destructive effect on the character Graciliano Ramos. During the arrest, which lasted about 10 months between 1936 and 1937, Graciliano sought strength within himself to survive the brutality of physical and moral torture, holding himself up with relatively stoic fortitude. However, when he left prison, Graciliano


Decommemo-rating the Past, Decolonizing the Present: Historical References in Brazilian Art and Literature during the Democratic Transition || Daniel Mandur Thomaz

experienced a moral and psychological breakdown as a result of the violence that he had been submitted to in jail. Santiago’s character is so tortured by his post-prison condition that he is not able to recognize himself, “I do not feel my body. I do not want to feel my body now because it is pure source of suffering”(1981:209). What motivates the character after this is a re-identification process where he tries to understand his reason for being – the intellectual activity – and his environment, Brazilian society and culture. In the 1980s and 90s Brazil, just like the character built by Silviano Santiago, was fresh out of the grisly years of authoritarian rule, and was in the process of founding a new republic. This process of transition, dating from the late 70s on, seems to have demanded from some writers and artists, many of whom had been directly or indirectly affected by political persecution and censorship, a parallel effort to rethink and re-signify Brazilian self-image. Silviano Santiago, for instance, was among them, and was concerned to attack and demolish many aspects of what he considered the “Official History”. This seems to have been a very present concern in that moment, a kind of battle fought in the field of memory. Santiago’s character, who was also a historical figure, engaged himself in a difficult enterprise, which was to rewrite the history of the “Inconfidência Mineira”, an 18th century uprising (inspired by the North American revolution) against the Portuguese overtaxing policy in one of its biggest colonies: Brazil. The last decades of the 20th century were marked by a new flourish of historical themes in literature and visual arts. History, in its most different meanings, became a kind of leitmotif in novels, paintings, and movies. Against the the argument that postmodernist trends brought about a certain dissolution of the idea of history (Jameson,1985), Brazilian art and literature in the 80s and 90s were marked by the influence of postmodernist strategies and even so characterized by the emergence of a new form of historical consciousness, especially concerned with questions related to collective memory and identity. In the field of the visual arts, the 1980s were characterized by the influence of Transvanguardia in Brazil, which brought the so-called “return of painting” to the scene, in contrast to the conceptual art that marked the 70s, as in the work of Antonio Manuel, Artur Barrio and Cildo Meireles (Canonglia, 2010). The “return of painting” was a clear trend in the exhibition Como vai você, geração 80? (How are you, 80’s Generation?) which took place in Rio de Janeiro in 1984, as well as in the exhibitions of the São Paulo Biennial in 1985. Received as a postmodern influence, both Transvanguardia and its most important theorist – Achille Bonito Oliva (1982) – found both sympathy and strong criticism in the region. For instance in Brazil the critics were divided between those, such as Ronaldo Brito (2001), who considered Transvanguardia as a new conservative vogue, and those that saw in it a different type of political debate (Canonglia, 2010). Naum Simão de Santana considered that the volubility of contemporary art and the overcoming of modernist concerns with style made postmodern art present itself as an “event”, intervening not only in a formalistic way but also ideologically. This, he argued, pointed to a new manner of political intervention (Santana, 2006). The concern with the Eurocentric misconception that points to Latin American art as somehow merely derivative of the main European trends have led critics such as Marcio Doctors (2001) to reaffirm connections between the art of the 1980s and the project of Brazilian modernists. He stresses the process of hybridization between multiple influences and particular characteristics, and highlights the efforts of local artists to create an alternative path through postmodern tendencies. The term “historiographic metafiction”, coined by Linda Hutcheon, refers to the critical and parodic historical references in contemporary novels (Hutcheon 1988) and finds parallels with terms such as “Latin America’s new historical novel”, coined by Seymor Menton (1993). These notions refer


Decommemo-rating the Past, Decolonizing the Present: Historical References in Brazilian Art and Literature during the Democratic Transition || Daniel Mandur Thomaz

to the postmodernist novels that incorporate a self-awareness, as well as an awareness of history as a human construct, rethinking and reworking the traditional ways of representing past events. In this sense, these novels are neither merely meta-fictional nor only another version of nineteenth-century historical novels. Rather they are specifically parodical in their intertextual relation to traditions and conventions. This is similar to the argument of the Italian art critic Achile Bonito Oliva when defining the historical references present in postmodern art, which he refers to as Transvanguadia (Trans-avantgarde). The “presence of the past” in the “return of painting” of 1980s shows how art history can be used in a transverse and eclectic way. For Oliva, instead of the evolutionist conception of successive vanguard movements that characterized the history of art of the twentieth-century, contemporary artists (at the 80s) were meant to free-flow through different techniques and themes as nomads. The point was to conciliate contradictory languages, building an intertwining of methods and expressions. According to Seymor Menton, after 1979 the presence of what he calls the new historical novel became a predominant trend n Latin America, with around 194 such novels published between 1979 and 1992: The empirical evidence suggests that since 1979 the dominant trend in Latin American fiction has been the proliferation of New Historical novels, the most canonical of which share with the Boom novels of the 1960s, exuberant eroticism, and complex, Neobaroque (albeit less hermetic) structural and linguistic experimentation. (Menton 1993: 14)

It is worth noting that Menton’s categorization of Latin American literary production refers to a similar set of characteristics outlined by Linda Hutcheon when she addresses historical references in postmodern novels in a broader sense. Even noting that Brazilian production has parallels with other artists and authors around the world, Brazilian literature and art still presents important particularities, related with the specific locus of enunciation of these writers and artists, and marked by what Walter Mignolo calls “colonial difference”: “The colonial difference is the connector that, in short, refers to the changing face of coloniality thoughout the history of the modern/colonial worldsystem and brings to the foreground the planetary dimension of human history silenced by discourses centering on Western civilization” (2002: 61-62). Hutcheon’s category of historigraphic metafiction is very pertinent to her project of a poetics of postmodernism. However, her analysis does not take into account the possibility of different forms of postmodernism. In this sense, the arguments of multiple forms of modern and postmodern experience, as put by Monica Kaup (2006) and Susan Friedman (2010), or the perspective of a transmodernity, as defended by Walter Mignolo (2002) and Ramón Grosfoguel (2008) are very relevant. Due to the specificity of Brazilian modernism, which is marked by the position of Brazil as a subaltern culture in the periphery of “Western Civilization”, it is evident that the new historical consciousness that emerged in novels and pieces of art of the 80s would take a specific configuration. This configuration is not only historically aware but is politically committed to a symbolic decolonization of the past. These artists were in fact trying to find a place at a very complex crossroads of trends and perspectives. This is probably why some artists of the 1980s, including some who started their careers prior to this decade, did not position themselves clearly in the tradition of art history, but instead played between modern and postmodern frontiers. This “playing in-between” is in accordance with the idea of “critical border thinking” (Mignolo, 2002, 2011; Grosfoguel, 2008) and points to a particular manner of articulating different aesthetic trends and concerns related to the type of modernity achieved in Latin America under very specific conditions. It is also important to stress that these novels and visual art works have an important epistemological dimension, in the sense that they


Decommemo-rating the Past, Decolonizing the Present: Historical References in Brazilian Art and Literature during the Democratic Transition || Daniel Mandur Thomaz

criticize historical knowledge through an aesthetic approach and as such confer a powerful decolonial potential to these artistic manifestations. A good example of this attitude is the case of João Ubaldo Ribeiro’s Viva o Povo Brasileiro (1984). Viva o Povo Brasileiro is a narrative that plays with different periods of time, dramatizing a big range of questions and themes from the 16th century Portuguese colonization to the 20th century social inequality and corruption among the Brazilian elites. He works in a non-chronological way, using elements of parody to tackle historical passages, such as the 19th century independence from Portugal and the Paraguayan War, which are events deeply rooted in canonical history and in collective memory. One of the most striking aspects of the narrative is the effort to deconstruct the way Brazilian history was usually presented during the previous years of dictatorship, a canonical history full of myths and national heroes meant to support a “virtuous” version of historical events. Ribeiro discusses the violence of colonization and the continuous brutality of Brazilian elites, who at many important historical junctures have preferred to abdicate the freedom of self government in favor of an authoritarian and military regime able to crush possible popular uprisings and to perpetuate upper class privileges. His references to historical accounts are always marked by a satirical suspicion, such as in this excerpt: Desde esse dia que se sabe que toda a História é falsa ou meio falsa e cada geração que chega resolve o que aconteceu antes dela e assim a História dos livros é tão inventada quanto a dos jornais (...). Poucos livros devem ser confiados, assim como poucas pessoas, é a mesma coisa. (Ribeiro, 1982: 515)[Since this day we know that all History is false or only half false and each generation that arrives decides what happened before and thus the History from books is as forged as the news in the papers. Few books are reliable, as well as few people; it’s the same thing.]

When stating that each generation decides what is important about what has happened before, Ribeiro is pointing exactly to the discursive nature of past accounts. In fact, even before the beginning of the narrative the epigraph of the book claims its theoretical awareness: “O segredo da Verdade é o seguinte: não existem fatos, só existem histórias” [The secret about the Truth is the following: there are no facts, but only histories] (Ribeiro, 1982). Ribeiro makes use of typically Neobaroque aesthetic trends and provides a hint of postmodern (and post-structuralist) theoretical awareness as he depicts a deeply suspicious attitude towards the possibility of historical truth, stressing the idea of history as a discursive construct. He is also clearly influenced by typically modernist issues regarding nationality and national identity, with many references to the cultural “cannibalization”, or “antropofagia”, a leitmotif in the work of Brazilian modernists. In fact, one of the characters of the book is a cannibal Indian who appreciates the flesh of the Dutch invaders of the 17th century: “O caboclo Capiroba apreciava comer holandeses” (Ribeiro, 1982: 37) The narrative simultaneously presents modernist references, Neobaroque characteristics and postmodern strategies, which is one of the main particularities of Brazilian literary and artistic productions of that period. In the case of the visual arts, too, some artists such as Adriana Varejão have tried to build an alternative route, or, at least, to find a way between tendencies, appropriating themes and techniques taken up by postmodernist trends while still concerned with acquisitions and themes of modernist vanguards of the twentieth century. Varejão’s use of historical images are usually full of references to the violence of the colonization process. Adriana Varejão was looking for her own way of tackling the complexity of tendencies and


Decommemo-rating the Past, Decolonizing the Present: Historical References in Brazilian Art and Literature during the Democratic Transition || Daniel Mandur Thomaz

paths that boomed in the 80s and 90s. The artist’s interest in the Baroque, often noted by critics, synthetically incorporates questions regarding historical themes. Her works explore implicit, untold stories, creating a type of critical historiography. In the piece Acadêmico-Heróis (Figure 1) for instance, Varejão appropriates details of pieces from 19th century academic paintings including Rodolfo Amoedo’s O Último Tamoio and Almeida Junior’s O derrubador brasileiro (Figures 2 and 3). She conciliates different dramatic narratives by mixing up canonical paintings and confronting their theatrical principles of figurative composition. This relationship between history, violence and a representational crisis permeates the entirety of her work. In Varejão’s flesh paintings, flesh appears from within the canvas, made out of concentrated, accumulated paint, as if the interior of the canvas was itself in a rough state (Figure 4). Beyond the presence of flesh-painting, a symbolic meaning is enhanced to appropriate a visual memory at once strange and familiar. The artist’s intervention strategies play with the symbolic construction of visuality, building layers of signification permeated by tension and struggle. Many critics refer to the paintings of Adriana Varejão as marked by a desire for theatricality (Osório, Santiago, Schuarts, Shoolhammer, 2009). She brings back Baroque references to the contemporary scene through the themes of Lusitanian azulejarias that permeate her works. Varejão’s paintings assume the uneasiness of a simultaneous de-referentialized and re-enhanced figuration (Figure 5), destabilizing conventional iconographic regimes through the approximation of heterogeneous elements. In her work both figuration and history return as a parody, suspending a predetermined narrative order. As the author herself has stated: “I not only appropriate historic images, I also attempt to bring back to life processes which created them and use them to construct new versions.” (Carvajal,1996:169). These “new versions” of historic images are usually full of references to the violence of colonization and of the post-colonial historical process. Varejão uncovers the most painful and bloody aspects of the images, aspects that rest beneath the thin layer of surface, as the flesh that emerges from the inner part of her canvas. The quest, amongst artists and writers, to cope with the very complex crossroads of tendencies and possibilities that were present in the 1980s was articulated through the necessity to re-signify history and self-image, at a time marked by deep political and social transformations. The dilemmas of the collective construction of democracy after the gruesome years of dictatorship in the region added a potent fuel to the uncertainties of a period when modernism was declared moribund although the issues queried by modernists were still, in many senses, pertinent and relevant. The tendency towards historical themes in Brazilian art and literature bloomed in response to a difficult task, which was to find a particular way of tackling the new challenges whilst dealing with long-term rooted problems. Therefore, the process of democratic transition occurred parallel to a profound rethinking of self-representation in Brazil, an aesthetic transition that meant to redefine the way the past had been presented in order to reformulate the way a desirable future could be achieved.


Decommemo-rating the Past, Decolonizing the Present: Historical References in Brazilian Art and Literature during the Democratic Transition || Daniel Mandur Thomaz

Annex: Images Figura 1. Adriana Varejão. Acadêmico –“Heróis”.


Figura 2. Rodolfo Amoedo. “O último Tamoio”, 1883.



Figure 4. Azulejaria em carne viva.


Figura 3. Almeida Junior. “O Derrubador Brasileiro”, 1879



Figure 5. Varal.

Decommemo-rating the Past, Decolonizing the Present: Historical References in Brazilian Art and Literature during the Democratic Transition || Daniel Mandur Thomaz

Bibliographic References Brito, R. (2006). “Voltas de pintura” in Ricardo, Basbaum (ed.). Arte Contemporânea Brasileira: texturas, dicções, ficções, estratégias. Rio de Janeiro: Contracapa, 122-141. Canonglia, L. (2010). Anos 80: Embates de uma geração. Rio de Janeiro: Barléu Edições. Carvajal, R. (1996). “Travel Chronicles: the work of Adriana Varejão” in Gangitano L. and Nelson S. (eds). New Histories. Boston: Institute of Contemporary Art, p. 169. Doctors, M. (2001). “A experiência estética da invenção como radicalidade estética da vida” in Ricardo, Basbaum, (ed.). Arte Contemporânea Brasileira: texturas, dicções, ficções, estratégias. Rio de Janeiro: Contracapa, 279-296. Dussel, E. (2000). “Europa, Modernidad y Eurocentrismo” in Langer E. (ed). La Colonialidad del Saber: Eurocentrismo y Ciencias Sociales, Perspectivas Latinoamericanas. Buenos Aires: Clacso, 41-55. Grosfoguel, R. (2008). “Transmodernity, Border Thinking and Global Coloniality: Decolonizing Political Economy and Postcolonial Studies”. Revista Crítica de Ciências Sociais, nº 80 (1): 1-23. Hutcheon, L. (1988). A poetics of Postmodernism: History, Theory and Fiction. New York: Routledge. Jameson, F. (1985). “Postmodernism and Consumer Society” in Foster H. (ed.), Postmodern Culture. London: Pluto Press. Kaup, M. (2006). “Neobaroque: Latin America’s Alternative Modernity”. Comparative Literature, nº 58 (2): 128-152. Mignolo, W. (2011). The Darker Side of Western Modernity: Global Futures, Decolonial Options. Duke University Press. _____. (2002). “The Geopolitics of Knowledge and the Colonial Difference”. The South Atlantic Quarterly 101(1): 57-96. Menton, S. (1993). The historical novel in Latin America. New Orleans: Ediciones Hispamérica. Oliva, A. (1982). Transavantgarde international. Milão: Giancarlo Politi. Osório, L. (2009). Surface Depth in Adriana Varejão - Between flesh and oceans. Rio de Janeiro: Cobogó, 229-236. Pellón, G. (2008). “The Spanish American Novel: Recent Developments, 1977-1990” in: Cambridge History of Latin American Literature. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 279-302. Ribeiro, J. (1984). Viva o Povo Brasileiro. Rio de Janeiro: Nova Fronteira. Santana, N. “Crítica, tecido de contraponto”. Revista Ars 7 (4): 51-70. Santiago, S. (1981). Em Liberdade: uma ficção de Silviano Santiago. Rio de Janeiro, Paz e Terra. Sarduy, S. (2010). “The Baroque and the Neobaroque”. (C. Winks, Tra.) in Zamora L.P. and Kaup M. (eds), Baroque New Worlds: Representation, Transculturation, Counterconquest. Durham: Duke UP, 270-292. Varejão, Adriana (2009). Between flesh and oceans. Rio de Janeiro: Cobogó.


Abstract: Study on the trend of literary writing in the late twentieth century and early twenty-first century, understood by some scholars as the New Latin American Historical Novel. Set in the context of postmodernism, this narrative mode proposes revisiting historical places and third places in a kind of (re) construction of their own official historical discourse. There is, then, the dissolution of the literary text in a hybrid among Literature, History and fictional Theory. The discussion centers on the concept of literature employed by the author to construct a narrative of inversions, displacement, clash of culture and boundaries break between literature and history, real and magic, present, past and future, and diverse cultures, besides showing opposed viewpoints intertextual, parodic and metalinguistic reflections. Such notes support to understand this new literary expression and the critical positioning of the cited author, expressed through a production that presents a Latin American legitimating literary and cultural discourse.

New latin american historical novel: a critical approach of La Pasión de los Nómades, by María Rosa Lojo Alessandro da Silva1 Universidade Estadual de Londrina, Brazil

Keywords: Literature; History; Borders “America is the only continent where different eras coexist, where a twentieth-century man can shake hands with a man of the Quaternary era, who has no idea what newspapers or communications are and takes a medieval life.” Alejo Carpentier 1

The literary production should not be seen as an isolated result of an author and his creation. Every work shows echoes of tradition and adds in a singular way something new, a talent of the author, which, somehow, stands out in the fictional production (ELIOT, 1989). Based on it, it is said that studying a literary work is to review other times and voices in the discourse of the author from who we show interest in. Studying the novel La Pasión de los Nómades (1994), by María Rosa Lojo, it is to observe a new trend of Latin American Contemporary Literature, which is the production of the New Historical Novel. Maria Rosa Lojo has excelled in Argentinean contemporary literature. Her work oscillates, in the view of some critics, between feminism and historical sight. Daughter of Spanish immigrants who arrived in Argentina during the Spanish Civil War, the writer was born on February 13th, 1954. Exiled from the culture of their parents’ country, in contact with another culture, she sees in the literature the opportunity to understand a culture that is not hers, 1 Our translation for: “A América é o único continente onde eras diferentes coexistem, onde um homem do século vinte pode apertar a mão de um homem da era quaternária, que não tem idéia do que sejam jornais ou comunicações e que leva uma vida medieval.” Alejo Carpentier


1 Taking Master degree in Literary Studies by Universidade Estadual de Londrina- UEL and CAPES schoolar, under the guidance of Prof. Dr. Vanderléia da Silva Oliveira. Graduated in History (2010) and Letters/Literature (2011) by Universidade Estadual do Norte do Paraná- UENP, where he also studied “ Specialization in Linguistics and Literary Studies, developing the following research: “NEW LATIN AMERICAN HISTORICAL NOVEL: A CRITICAL APPROACH OF LA PASIÓN DE LOS NÓMADES, BY MARIA ROSA LOJO”. He presented as final work in History the following search: “The gibe and didactization in history teaching: the Confusing History by Mendes Fradique”. E-mail: [email protected] com

New latin american historical novel: a critical approach of La Pasión de los Nómades, by María Rosa Lojo || Alessandro da Silva

to which she had to adapt herself. For this, she bet on looking to the past of the Argentinean nation, understood by myths, heroes and historical discourses. The discursive space constructed by the author is, primarily, the reason to have her uniqueness before other writers. Lojo’s literary fabric is composed of wires that interweave, expressing doubts about human “truths”, (re) constructions, critical reassessments of the past, theories redesign and fictionalization of historical data. Thus, we have noticed that Lojo makes textualized History, narrated, embroidered on a multisignificative fabric, showing displacements, in which social places forgotten by the writing of a History told as the official are represented, viewpoints and ways of narrating / weave a history are reversed, historical and narrative time are merged, in order to give voice to whom the discourse of silence was imposed, to produce hybrid genres, to destroy the boundaries between European and Latin American cultures, or “center” and “periphery”, and also to break down the boundaries between the real and the magic. It is possible to assert, then, that there is in the novel La Pasión de los Nómades (1994), a mix between History, Literature and Theory, which shows the concern of the researcher and writer with the theorization of a fiction inserted in Post-Modernity. Furthermore, we also observed her desire to reflect on the need of fantasy, literature, simple and magical for a reorientation of human life. It seems that the boundaries between History and Literature were never defined with accuracy and clarity and, with the passing of time, they ended up approaching. Evidence of this productive dialogue is the New Historical Novel that “mocks” the concrete boundaries between the literary and the historical. According to ESTEVES, when he quotes Aristoteles in his text: […] the historian is supposed to deal with what really happened, and the literary man, with what could have happened, the first being restricted to truth and the second to the likelihood ratio, it was only in the nineteenth century that the separation between both discourses seems to have actually occurred. And yet, this divorce was not always too bright or long lasting. (ESTEVES, 2010, p. 18).2

Marilene Weinhardt (2011) agrees with the fact that Paul Veyne: [...] concluded that the writing of history is a work of art, although objective, but without method or scientific basis, so that its value is revealed by the same features of literary analysis. The scholar stressed the importance of the historian’s culture and intelligence, pointing out the dangers of improvisation, observation that can be extended to the novelist. (WEINHARDT, 2011, p. 20)3

For Baumgarten (2000), every novel is historical because it is developed at a time and mentions a time. In the words of the author: “Time of the writing or the production of the text.”4 However, he points out that the concept of New Historical Novel denotes something more incident in the narrative, to the extent that this new genre “[...] has the implicit aim to foster ownership of historical facts which define the history of particular human community” (BAUMGARTEM, 2000, p. 270).5 In reflecting on the characteristics of the New Historical Novel, Weinhardt quotes Fernando Ainsa: 2 Our translation for: [...] cabe ao historiador tratar daquilo que realmente aconteceu, e ao literato, daquilo que poderia ter acontecido, ficando o primeiro circunscrito à verdade e o segundo à verossimilhança, foi apenas no século XIX que a separação entre ambos os discursos parece ter ocorrido de fato. E mesmo assim, tal divórcio nem sempre foi muito claro ou de longa duração. (ESTEVES, 2010, p. 18). 3 Our translation for: [...] concluiu que a escrita da história é obra de arte, embora objetiva, mas sem método e sem caráter científico, tanto que seu valor se revela pelos mesmos recursos da análise literária. O estudioso acentuava a importância da cultura e da inteligência do historiador, apontando os perigos da improvisação, observação que se pode estender ao ficcionista. (WEINHARDT, 2011, p. 20). 4 Our translation for: “tempo da escrita ou da produção do texto.” 5 Our translation for: “[...] tem por objetivo implícito promover uma apropriação de fatos históricos definidores de uma fase da História de determinada comunidade humana” (BAUMGARTEM, 2000, p. 270).


New latin american historical novel: a critical approach of La Pasión de los Nómades, by María Rosa Lojo || Alessandro da Silva

This seems to be the most important feature of the new Hispanic American narrative: search without solemnity the individual, men and women in its true dimension, lost among the ruins of a story dismantled by rhetoric and lies, and when finding them, describe them, and embroil them to justify new dreams and hopes. And all this, though the character created seems invented, but, ultimately, it is (AÍNSA, 2003, p.101 cited in WEINHARDT, 2011, p.43).6

Recognizing the same characteristics in the genre, the scholar Linda Hutcheon devotes a special chapter to this type of literary production that has fascinated contemporaneity and the reader. The term used by the author is historiographical metafiction. For her: [...] The historiographical metafiction incorporates all these three areas (Literature, History and Theory) in other words, its theoretical self-awareness about history and fiction as human creations (historiographical metafiction) becomes the basis for its rethinking and remaking of forms and contents of the past. [...] It always operates within the conventions in order to subvert them. It is not only metafictional, nor is it just another version of the historical novel or nonfiction novel. (HUTCHEON, 1991, p.21 -22).7

Thinking in this new genre, its intentions and its recurrence in contemporary Latin American literature, we chose the book La Pasión de los Nómades (1994) by María Rosa Lojo to investigate this new form of literary production. The 2008 edition was used for analysis. The book in question is divided into chapters and for each chapter we focus on a narrator, which alternate predominantly between Rosaura and Lucio Mansilla. The narrative doesn’t leave a defined space, but makes references to Argentina in the twentieth century and, also, to the past, which sets up the space for the unfolding of the characters’ adventures. Time is the product of the merge between past and future, a psychological time resulted from the “trans historicity” of the narrative and the thoughts of the characters. The graphic design of the book cover is reason for reflection and instigates the reading of the narrative from parodic elements that compose the non-verbal picture. There is Lucio Mansilla atop a horse, but in place of paws, there are wheels of bicycles, that is, there is a clear vision of a carnivalesque time asked by the narrative. [...] Parody is a perfect postmodern form because, paradoxically, it incorporates and challenges what it parodies. It also requires a reconsideration of the idea of ​​origin or originality, consistent idea with other postmodern questioning about the assumptions of liberal humanism ( HUTCHEON, 1991, p.28).8

The parodic revisit of the Argentinean pampas, proposed by Lojo, is a gift to the reader, to the extent that today everything is already known and there is no more challenging. Traveling through her narrative by relying on Lucio Mansilla’s reports is a journey to an unknown place of ourselves, by better known than it is. The look to this “new past” is as the waters of Heraclitus, because, as well as the waters are not the same, neither is the past, even less the subjects who built on it their speech. By returning from this “tourism through the past” is that many dilemmas can be explained, because 6 Our translation for: Esta parece ser la característica más importante de la nueva narrativa hispanoamericana: buscar sin solemnidad al individuo, a hombres y mujeres en su dimensión más auténtica, perdidos entre las ruinas de una historia desmantelada por la retórica y la mentira, y al encontrarlos, describirlos, y ensarzarlos para justificar nuevos sueños y esperanzas. Y todo ello, aunque el personaje creado parezca inventado, aunque, en definitiva, lo sea. (AÍNSA, 2003, p.101 cited in WEINHARDT, 2011, p.43). 7 Our translation for: [...] A metaficção historiográfica incorpora todos esses três domínios (Literatura, História e Teoria), ou seja, sua autoconsciência teórica sobre a história e a ficção como criações humanas (metaficção historiográfica) passa a ser a base para seu repensar e sua reelaboração das formas e dos conteúdos do passado. [...] ela sempre atua dentro das convenções a fim de subvertê-las. Ela não é apenas metaficcional; nem é apenas mais uma versão do romance histórico ou do romance não ficcional. (HUTCHEON, 1991, p.21 -22). 8 Our translation for: [...] a paródia é uma forma pós-moderna perfeita, pois, paradoxalmente, incorpora e desafia aquilo a que parodia. Ela também obriga a uma reconsideração da idéia de origem ou originalidade, idéia compatível com outros questionamentos pósmodernos sobre os pressupostos do humanismo liberal. ( HUTCHEON, 1991, p.28)


New latin american historical novel: a critical approach of La Pasión de los Nómades, by María Rosa Lojo || Alessandro da Silva

the origins of our identity reside at the time visited. Always remembering that, as Hutcheon says, the historical narrative [...] Is always a critical reworking, never a nostalgic “return” (HUTCHEON, 1991, p.21).9 Maria Rosa Lojo, in an explaining note on the cover of the book, by reflecting on her protagonist says: [...] Mansilla returns in this novel to the nineties of the twentieth century in the footsteps of its famous tour to the ranquele indians. In that way, he will deal with his former defections, he will exercise again his critical and eccentric look, and will reflect on the present and the past of a country that did not live up to what was promised and that mutilated or distorted its own memory. Crossing the historical, fantasy and wonderful, this book traces the postmodern city and the “raked” “pampeanas” masterfully achieving a convergence of real and literary characters, of pathetic ghosts, human beings of flesh and bone, and the fairy creatures from the old Celtic dream (LOJO, 2008, book cover).10

In this presentation given by the author, we can deduce that the historical sight is her key element in this book. According to some authors, the man of the globalized world have already discovered and learned experimentally everything that could be knowable, there are no places to be known. It is in this interim that writers use the historiographical metafiction to lead man / reader to (re) discover themselves, but in their past, a place to be (re) known. Lojo provides us to know the past or travel to it. Finding our own tradition is a human necessity and even to the trans historical ghosts of her fiction, nomads of their own existence. It seems that the author’s thought about her protagonist meets the sayings of Ainsa, quoted by Esteves in “O Novo Romance Histórico Brasileiro”, to the extent that he says that the role of New Latin American Novel is: To search among the ruins of a dismantled history for the individual lost behind the events, to discover and to glorify the human being in its true dimension, even if oddly invented, even if ultimately it is (AINSA, 1991, p.85 cited in ESTEVES,1998, p.133).11

According to Esteves (1998), Seymour Menton has listed six key points for understanding this new genre that has helped put the Latin American literary expression in the fictional world production. So, we transcribed below such features from Esteves’ text, articulating elements from Lojo’s text and from Menton’s ideas. 1 - The mimetic representation of a given historical period [...] makes the most absurd and unexpected events may occur, “and, according to the scholar, we also found in the new historical novel” 2 - The conscious distortion of history by omissions, exaggerations and anachronisms. (MENTON cited in ESTEVES, 1998, p.134). 12

These first two latent elements in the production of this genre can be observed in the following 9 Our translation for: [...] é sempre uma reelaboração crítica, nunca um “retorno” nostálgico (HUTCHEON, 1991, p.21). 10 Our translation for: [...] Mansilla vuelve en esta novela a la década del noventa del siglo XX sobre los pasos de su famosa excursión a los indios ranqueles. En aquel camino, ajustará cuentas con sus antiguas defecciones, ejercerá nuevamente su mirada crítica y excéntrica, y reflexionará sobre el presente y el pasado de un país que no llegó a estar a la altura de lo que prometía y que mutilo o distorsionó su propia memoria. Cruce de lo histórico, lo fantástico y lo maravilloso, este libro recorre la ciudad posmoderna y las “rastrilladas” pampeanas logrando con maestría una convergencia de personajes reales y literarios, de patéticos fantasmas, seres humanos de carne y hueso, y criaturas feéricas del viejo sueño celta. (LOJO, 2008, capa). 11 Our translation for: buscar entre las ruinas de una historia desmantelada al individuo perdido detrás de los acontecimientos, descubrir y ensalzar al ser humano en su dimensión más auténtica, aunque parezca inventado, aunque en definitiva lo sea (AINSA, 1991, p.85 cited in ESTEVES,1998, p.133). 12 Our translation for: 1- A representação mimética de determinado período histórico [...] faz com que os acontecimentos mais inesperados e absurdos possam ocorrer; “e, de acordo com o estudioso, também encontramos no novo romance histórico “2 – A distorção consciente da História mediante omissões, anacronismo e exageros. (MENTON cited in ESTEVES, 1998, p.134).


New latin american historical novel: a critical approach of La Pasión de los Nómades, by María Rosa Lojo || Alessandro da Silva

excerpts from the novel proposed to the analysis: The old powers have already dropped: the power of the gods and elves, of the magicians and fairies, of the elves and secret forest dwellers. The glory of the proud animals has fallen: the magnificent lords of forests and mountains, the slippery lunar fish from sea and river; and it is evidence that even the kingdom of man, victim and tyrant of the world, is about to be slain (LOJO, 2008, p.17).13

In order to situate the reader, it is necessary to explain that the previous paragraph is introductory of the first chapter of the novel in analysis, in other words, there is a reference to the present time, even if distinct supernatural elements of reality, and much mentioned by the literary tradition of the past, find discursive space to report their impression on the modern world in this chapter of the fiction. Yet in relation to this temporal digression is worth mentioning Merlin’s speech, godfather of Cabarllos Rosaura, in his reflections on the fate of humanity, of the times in which reason prevails: I have not been so worried, not even in the times of civil war or the second European war of this century, which after all, were human affairs: something crazy, stupid, unjust and cruel, like all struggles of men by power. However, one is now destroying the world, our world, in a much more serious way. [...] – Look: the North Sea polluted, the Mediterranean by the same way, the crystalline German rivers become channels of waste, the beaches of Galicia decorated with corks, broken bottles and beer cans. Thousands of factories littering the mother water and eternal forests everywhere [...]. (LOJO, 2008, p. 23- 24).14

The characters of the first chapter are fictional trans-historical beings, as understood by Lojo, and humans who follow this same attitude, because they live in a present time in which they are reinvented. This look to the past from the present reflects the philosophical metié of Merlin. His immense nuisance to people who visit his residence in Ireland may be an example of the character’s intolerance with respect to human wisdom, their rationality. Ironically, Merlin translates human hypocrisy and expresses its nihilism when thinking about believing in man as a species that can still make the world better. Below, we reproduce the excerpt commented: [...] Look at these idiots who settle here every day, invading the park with biscuit wrappers and plastic bags and trampling as pigs the newborn thoughts. All because an imprudent had the cursed idea to report that this is the residence of Merlin. I actually don’t care. It’d be the same if Jack the Ripper or Spiderman had lived here. I mean, they’d come even more. They are only interested in taking a few pictures, fill a vial of earth and gossip the mansion was very curious (mixture of Galician farm and Scottish castle with Gothic reminiscences) but the owner was a crazy old splenetic man who refused to make a magical demonstration of any kind even though they had paid religiously every penny of their fees in the tour (LOJO, 2008, p.24).15 13 Our translation for: Han caído ya los poderes antiguos: el poder de los dioses y el de los elfos, el de los magos y el de las hadas, el de los duendes y los secretos moradores de bosques. Ha caído la gloria de los animales arrogantes: los magníficos señores de selvas y de montañas, los resbaladizos peces lunares de río y mar, y es una evidencia que también el reino del hombre, víctima y tirano del mundo, está por fenecer. (LOJO, 2008, p.17). 14 Our translation for: No me he sentido tan preocupado ni siquiera en los tiempos de la guerra civil o de la segunda guerra europea de este siglo, que después de todo eran asuntos humanos: algo loco, necio, injusto y cruel, como todas las luchas de los hombres por el poder. Pero ahora nos están destruyendo el mundo, nuestro mundo, de un modo todavía más grave. [...] – Mira: el Mar del Norte contaminado, el Mediterráneo por el mismo camino, los cristalinos ríos alemanes convertido en canales de desechos, las playas de Galicia adornadas de corchos, botellas rotas y latas de cerveza. Miles de fábricas ensuciando las aguas madres y los bosques eternos por todas partes [...]. (LOJO, 2008, p. 23- 24). 15 Our translation for: [...] fíjate en estos imbécil que se instalan aquí todos los días, a invadir el parque con envolturas de galletas y bolsitas de plástico y a pisotear como cerdos los pensamientos recién nacidos. Todo porque un imprudente ha tenido la maldita ocurrencia de divulgar que ésta es la residencia de Merlín. En realidad yo les importo un rábano. Vendrían lo mismo si les hubiesen dicho que aquí vivió Jack el Destripador o el Hombre Araña. Mejor dicho, vendrían todavía más. Sólo les interesa tomar unas cuantas fotos, llenar un frasquito de tierra y contar a la vuelta que la mansión era muy curiosa (mezcla de pizo gallego y castillo escocés con reminiscencias góticas) pero que el dueño era un viejo loco y atrabiliario que se negó a hacer una demonstración mágica de cualquier índole a pesar de que ellos


New latin american historical novel: a critical approach of La Pasión de los Nómades, by María Rosa Lojo || Alessandro da Silva

It seems that, for Merlin, humanity lost its values. This information is important, to the extent that this is the voice of the author who writes seeking to (re) connect with the historical tradition to review, reintroduce, and even recover human values ​​lost over the years. To Lojo, this (re) connection with the past and its understanding will bring identity to the reader and to society itself in general. Destroying the sacralized view of the natives as inferior and colonized, the author leads us to reflect on their contribution to the ethical and cultural formation of Argentina because restates, much more significantly, the traumatic process of colonization. Their forgotten speech is presented in the various facets of Lojo’s characters in her self-reflections on the past. La Pasión de los Nómades is the result of a fictional creation of the author, but also of her research as an investigator of the intellectual, political and cultural events of the nineteenth century. María Rosa Lojo and many writers have given special attention to this century, because it is the moment in which History and Argentinean literature produced a historical discourse aimed at the formation of identity and of the nation. The protagonist of the story is Lucio Mansilla, great explorer of Argentinean lands, writer and intellectual of the nineteenth century, nephew of Mariano Rosas, great Argentinean dictator representative of “barbarity”, due to the bloody massacres carried out to Native Americans. Lucio Mansilla wrote Una excursión a los índios ranqueles. This book will be the starting point of Lojo to reflect on the past history of Argentina from a narrative that fictionalizes the accounts of Lucio. If it is true that history and literature meet, this is visible in Lojo, once the author works with source and organizes the historical account as a narrative, however she gives her reports the subjectivity of an observer immersed in an Argentina of the late twentieth century. When the plot of the novel is analyzed, it is clear that the novel tells the History of supernatural beings that depart from this world and return to the past. The narrative begins with a reflection on the post-modern society and their disbelief. Then, Rosaura dominates the narrative to tell the reader their origins and the reason of being associated to magic. In the excerpt in which the character is presented within the narrative, three out of the six characteristics enumerated by Menton, cited by Esteves are observed: “3 - The fictionalization of well-known historical characters [...] 5 - Great use of intertextuality. 6 - Presence of Bakhtinian concepts [...] “(MENTON cited in ESTEVES, 1998, p.134).16 The quotation below elucidates our proposal: My name is Rosaura dos Carballos. If my name does not tell you anything, it will soon. Besides, I am very well known - in the hierarchy of the magical kingdoms, the highborn of my mother, the enlightened and signaled Morgana […][...] Dad - let’s face it – he was a Galician plebeian elf without category, one of those homeless [...]I was very tiny (did not reach three kilos) [...] my mother, requested by social imperatives, left me under the custody and guardianship of my godfather Merlin, who, for all and for me, also became my honorary uncle, though there was no direct relationship between us. (LOJO, 2008, p. 19).17

Lojo explicitly marks intertextuality with the Celtic culture of the Middle Ages. The article draws important figures like Morgana, great sorceress in the hierarchy of Celtic mythology, and Merlin, the greatest of the wizards, for the Celts, both hold the magical power of the ancient religion and habían pagado religiosamente hasta el último centavo de sus tarifas en el tour. (LOJO, 2008, p.24). 16 Our translation for: “3 - A ficcionalização de personagens históricos bem conhecidos [...] 5- Grande uso da intertextualidade. 6 - Presença dos conceitos bakhtinianos [...]” (MENTON cited in ESTEVES, 1998, p.134). 17 Our translation for: Me llamo Rosaura dos Carballos. Si el nombre todavía no les dice nada, ya lo dirá en el porvenir. Además, soy harto bien conocida – en la jerarquía de los reinos feéricos, por la alta cuna de mi madre, la esclarecida y señaladísima Morgana: el hada Morgana [...] Papá – digámoslo de una vez – fue un duende gallego plebeyo y sin categoría, uno de esos vagabundos [...] Era yo muy menuda (no llegaba a los tres kilos) [...] mi madre, solicitada por imperativos sociales, me dejó bajo a la guarda y tutoría de mi padrino Merlín, quien, para todos y para mí, se convirtió también en mi tío honorario, aunque no hubiese entre nosotros ningún parentesco directo. (LOJO, 2008, p. 19).


New latin american historical novel: a critical approach of La Pasión de los Nómades, by María Rosa Lojo || Alessandro da Silva

the worship to the goddess of Avallon. Moreover, it highlights the ease to parody the fairy reality merging it and bringing it to the same level of human life. Human dilemmas are also dilemmas of these supernatural characters. The same phenomenon, in other words, the three characteristics of Menton quoted are found in the description that the protagonist Lucio Mansilla makes of himself in the novel: I am Lucio Victorio Mansilla, writer, explorer, hiker, military, diplomatic, unfortunate politician, gournet and almost a dandy professional. I was nephew of Don Juan Manuel Rozas (Satrap del Plata or Restorer of the Laws, as we see it), son of Doña Agustina Rozas de Mansilla, the most beautiful woman of her time, who left me a bit of her beauty, father-in-law of Count Maurice of Voissins and - as I said“compadre” of the illustrious Mariano Rosas, chief of ranqueles Indians. I have (what allows me not to confess how many) and, as it will be seen, in fair condition (LOJO, 2008, p. 40).18

If in Rosaura’s description there is the construction of a noble hierarchical importance to which the young fairy belongs, in Lucio his qualities were built grounded in the great personalities of Argentina history. Rosaura complains about the lack of faith of humans who do not believe in the supernatural manifestations in modern times. Again, we see the features of Menton, to the extent that we clearly observe the dialogism between the wordings of the character and teachings of the philosopher Heraclitus on the metamorphosis of life. Besides this philosophical tone, in this excerpt, there is also a distortion of time which mixes past speeches with the present time in addition to a mixture of speeches in a parodic form, once Rosaura, daughter of Morgana, does not believe in a Christian God and, even though, appoints him as if she believed in it: But neither God nor I wanted things to go like this. It is written that nothing is forever what it is and even us who measure our life not in years but in centuries, we change as men change. My uncle was not wrong in his pessimist meditations. Our powers have diminished over the centuries of rationalism, colonialism and the exploits of the Industrial Revolution. In part, this is due to the increase of human strength, but also to a lack of exercise that comes from the lack of faith [...] Our works are as beautiful as ephemeral and we cannot change the derailed order of a world that we do not govern (LOJO, 2008, p.26).19

It is also noticed, according to Menton quoted by Esteves, 4 - The presence of metafiction or of narrator’s comments on the process of creation” (ESTEVES, 1998, p. 134) 20 in the speeches of her character Merlin and the carnivalization. The first evidenced in the following excerpt: In my good time, it was not distinguished what is now called “fiction” from history or the supernatural from the “natural”. Therefore, it was, as everyone knows, our song of the Round Table. Anyway, these modern 18 Our translation for: Soy Lucio Victorio Mansilla, escritor, explorador, excursionista, militar, diplomático, político poco afortunado, gournet y casi dandy profesional. Fui sobrino de Don Juan Manuel de Rozas ( sátrapa del Plata o Restaurador de las Leyes, según se mire), hijo de Doña Agustina Rozas de Mansilla, la mujer más bella de su tiempo, que me llegó alguna pizca de su hermosura, suegro del conde Maurice de Voissins y – ya lo dije- compadre del ilustre Mariano Rosas, jefe de los indios ranqueles. Llevo cumplidos una punta de años de muertos (me permite la coquetería de no confesar cuántos) y, como habrá visto, en razonable estado de conservación. (LOJO, 2008, p. 40). 19 Our translation for: Pero ni Dios ni yo quisimos que las cosas pasasen de ese modo. Está escrito que nada sea siempre lo que es y aun nosotros, los que medimos nuestra vida no en años sino en siglos cambiamos, como cambian los hombres. Mi tío no se equivocaba en sus meditaciones pesimistas. Nuestros poderes han disminuido con los siglos de racionalismo, colonialismo y las proezas de la Revolución Industrial. En parte esto se debe al aumento de las fuerzas humanas, pero también a una falta de ejercicio que proviene de la falta de fe [...] Nuestras obras son tan bellas como efímeras y ya no podemos modificar el desbaratado orden de un mundo que no gobernamos. (LOJO, 2008, p.26). 20 Our translation for: “4- A presença da metaficção ou de comentários do narrador sobre o processo de criação” (ESTEVES, 1998, p. 134)”


New latin american historical novel: a critical approach of La Pasión de los Nómades, by María Rosa Lojo || Alessandro da Silva

inventions produce pity to me. Men have even thought that are more real than us. (LOJO, 2008, p.26).21

Upon arriving in Argentina, among other happiness, Rosaura knows Lucio Mansilla, a spirit that got tired of living in paradise and decides to go back to see how Argentina is, that he left in the year of his death in the nineteenth century. The three supernatural characters: Merlin, Rosaura and Lucio Mansilla will go, together, on a new expedition to indigenous lands. This expedition full of good humor as described by the author, makes Lucio become a comic figure, fictionally imposing a humanized “hero” or even desecrated by his trivial attitudes. The tool used by the writer is the memory, a major element in the historical discourse. Lucio is not known in most of the places he passes and it makes him secluded at the shards of his vanity. In an excerpt from the book, Merlin gets to, satirically, doubt the very existence of Lucio, since he knows nothing about him everywhere they visit. At the end of the trip, Rosaura does not want to come back, because she found herself among the Mapuches and Lucio Mansilla too. According to Esteves: Significantly, at the end of the adventure and of the novel, the two protagonists prefer not to return to their original universes. Rosaura leaves her Celtic world and enters the Mapuche world. She Seeks refuge inside the Casa de Plata, in which, in communion with telluric forces of nature, weaves the fabric of fertility, plotting the drawings of life from symmetric spaces. Nor Mansilla returns to the world of the living and to civilization. He takes refuge in an indigenous universe, [...]. (ESTEVES, 2011, p. 7).22

Therefore, after all the discussion proposed in this paper, it can be said that the New Historical Novel results from the productive dialogue on the border of fiction, history and literature. This genre is the new Latin American discourse, which seeks to give voice to those who have been silenced by history. The novel proposed for this analysis complied with all the characteristics listed by many scholars of this new form of literary production and showed how it is possible to tell the story in a different way, reflecting on the boundaries between historical times and cultures between peoples stigmatized as “Center “and” Periphery “. Thus, we emphasize the importance of María Rosa Lojo and her historical novel La Pasión de los Nómades (2008) in the construction and / or texture of a discursive, social and literary place that is able to translate through laborious and valuable aesthetic, poetic and inventive capacity, who we are and what we think, Americans inhabitants of the “New World”, exotic land and paradise inhabited by the other who does not belong to the European Christian cultural universe. It is also emphasized, that it was only a single possibility of analysis that can contribute to critical discussions about the subject, to the extent that this study was not exhausted and can provide constant dilemmas that may result in new research.

21 Our translation for: En mis buenos tiempos no se distinguía ora lo que ahora llaman “ficción” de la historia, ni lo sobrenatural de lo “natural”. Así ocurrió, como todo el mundo lo sabe, con nuestra gesta de la Mesa Redonda. En fin, estos inventos modernos me producen lástima. Los hombres hasta han dado en pensar que son más reales que nosotros. (LOJO, 2008, p.26). 22 Our translation for: Significativamente, en el final de la aventura y de la novela, los dos protagonistas prefieren no

regresar a sus universos originales. Rosaura abandona su mundo celta y penetra en el mundo mapuche. Busca refugio en el interior de la Casa de Plata, en la cual, en comunión con fuerzas telúricas de la naturaleza, urde el tejido de la fecundidad, tramando los dibujos de la vida a partir de espacios simétricos. Tampoco Mansilla regresa al mundo de los vivos y a la civilización. Se abriga en el universo indígena ,[...]. (ESTEVES, 2011, p. 7).


New latin american historical novel: a critical approach of La Pasión de los Nómades, by María Rosa Lojo || Alessandro da Silva

Bibliographic References Baumgarten, C. (2000). O Novo Romance Histórico Brasileiro. São Paulo: USP [Url: http://, accessed on 12/05/2012] Eliot, T. S. (1989 [1st edition]). Tradição e talento individual. São Paulo: Art Editora. Esteves, A. (2010 [1st edition]). O Romance Histórico Brasileiro contemporâneo. São Paulo: Ed. UNESP. _____. (1998 [1st edition]). “O Novo Romance Histórico Brasileiro” in Letícia Zanini Antunes (org). Estudos de Literatura e Linguística. Assis: Curso de Pós-Graduação em Letras da FCL/UNESP. São Paulo: Arte & Ciência. Hutcheon, L. (1991 [1st edition]). Poética do Pós-Modernismo: história, teoria, ficção. Rio de Janeiro: Imago. Lojo, M. (2008 [1st edition]). La Pasión de los Nómades. Buenos Aires: Debolsillo. Weinhardt, M. (2011 [1st edition]). Ficção histórica: teoria e crítica. Ponta Grossa: Editora UEPG.


Abstract: The present paper consists in analyzing the tale “Miss Dollar” written by Machado de Assis and published in the anthology Contos Fluminenses in 1870. The objective is to verify and to discuss the elements presented by the realistic writer that form the Brazilian identity. With a penetrating study of the 19th century society, various types of humans are recreated in Machado de Assis´s universe (then, forgotten by the literary critics) in the form of a subtle and sarcastic painting. [Machado de Assis was] target of severe appreciations by the renowned triad of critics of his time - Araripe Júnior, José Veríssimo and Sílvio Romero – that had not understood the emphasized sociological aspects on the Brazilian national picture in Machado de Assis works, since those elements differed from those proposed to be constitutive of nationality. The first part of this paper contemplates on a brief revision of those criteria in order to oppose them in the second part to those aspects of brazilianness presented in “Miss Dollar”. Through the analysis of the tale we expose the elements that denounce our national formation, especially regarding the historical aspects, discussing how they interfered with the cultural constitution of Brazilians. The perspective of the author on nationality is composed from the second phase of the social organization of Brazil, different from the one represented in Indian and backcountry novels. Thence probably his intrinsic dialogue with sociological studies – notably the ones of Gilberto Freyre and Sérgio Buarque de Holanda – which reveals the implications of the displacement from the peasant social structure to the developing urban environment as well as the repercussion of the colonial “addictions” in the developing social classes. The analysis of the Machado´s work allows us to see how the exposed Brazilian elements still have echoes in our today´s society. Keywords: Literary Nationalism, Miss Dollar.




A disobedient son: Machado de Assis and the Brazilian nation Paola Jochimsen1, Aline Farias2, Sarah Ipiranga3 Universidade Estadual do Ceará (UECE), Brasil


1. The construction of Nationality and the Brazilian critics In the 19th century, the critic’s triad Araripe Júnior, José Veríssimo and Sílvio Romero was responsible to appreciate, orientate and promote the fictional literary works in Brazil, as well as to analyze the readings of the epoch of those works. The main approach of the critics was to find the construction of the national identity in the works of Brazilian writers. If they would not find the elements or if they thought that those elements were misguided, they would criticize the elements and the failures that made the works distancing from the genuinely Brazilian productions, in


1 Graduate student in Letters – French in Universidade Estadual do Ceará – UECE. [email protected] 2 PhD student in the Postgraduation Program in Applied Linguistics in the Universidade Estadual do Ceará – PosLA/UECE. Bolsista FUNCAP. [email protected] 3 Adjunct teacher of Comparative Literature – UECE. [email protected] com

A disobedient son: Machado de Assis and the Brazilian nation || Paola Jochimsen, Aline Farias, Sarah Ipiranga

order to provide the right directions. For example, imitation, copy and loanwords used by some of the authors were pointed out as deviations, which would work, in the critic’s opinion, as obstacles to our cultural emancipation and to the development of a literature that would exhale brazilianness in its form and content. Let´s look at the opinion of Araripe Júnior: […] It won´t be despising what most inspiring and beautiful exists in our environments that we have to shake with the yoke of the imported feelings of the old continent. Treading so diverse paths from the one we should follow we would never proclaim our emancipation. [highlighted by us] (ARARIPE, 1978:9)

José Veríssimo also expresses his opinion on the subject. For him, “our letters, our science, our ideas, our customs have their own features. Imitation kills us. [highlighted by us]” (VERÍSSIMO, 1977:156). Veríssimo argues that the fragility/indetermination of our national identity owes most of all to the lack of scientific education and to the weakness of our cultural education. (impeded by the mania of unconscious imitation and ignorance). In a more specific way, relating to the literary production, the critics have presented some kind of emancipatory way, a path to the national construction of the Letters. Araripe Júnior highlights the national wealth of our land as source of brazilianness, where the weather is the element which most strongly determines our way of being, our temper and by extension should influence our literature and be explored in the fiction of our writers: From completely strange sensations, from a nature so full of splendor like America´s, from those secular forests, from those colossal rivers it certainly should arise an original literature […](ARARIPE, 1978:10).

Side by side with the weather, Araripe places the temper of the primitive inhabitants – the Indian – too as source of inspiration to the literary inspiration of our land. Thence we see a profusion of novel with the Indian theme – which is emblematic José de Alencar´s – that, in a certain period of our literature tried to portrait the beginnings of the cultural formation of Brazil, the Indians being the first feature of our people. Forming, from the result of all this observations [the character of the indigenous race] an ideal and present it artistically developed in a poem or a novel, here´s what since the past century entrepreneurs and enthusiasts attempted to do. (ARARIPE, 1978:22).

Contrasting with the idea of Araripe, who sees America´s weather as a differential of our culture and literature, and the Indian, a Brazilian original type, Veríssimo does not consider the weather an emancipatory factor but an element that imprisons and dulls the talent of our poets. Furthermore, the author reminds that the Brazilian nationality is not centered only in one race, but actually elapses in the crossing of ethnic elements (Portuguese, Tupi and Negro) that originated the “genuine Brazilian people” (VERÍSSIMO, 1977:159), the Brazilian backcountry. In that aspect, Sílvio Romero presents a point of view that corroborates Veríssimo´s opinion on the backcountry people: “genuine national population, the big and rural and backcountry masses, where throbs the strongest heart of the race (ROMERO: 1980:1777). The third member of this 19th century critic’s triad sees population as a possibility of identity affirmation and of suspension of the cultural condition as a colony. Away from the fad of the city, that he reports as an innocuous and spurious imitation of the European model, but distant from Alencar´s Indian idealism and from the weather aspects embraced by Araripe, Romero points out the countryside man as the real and authentic representative of the Brazilian people. Therefrom his excitement for Euclides da Cunha and


A disobedient son: Machado de Assis and the Brazilian nation || Paola Jochimsen, Aline Farias, Sarah Ipiranga

his book Os Sertões. I invite the reader to appreciate in the book this really enchanting page. There are the solid traits that stress out with reliability one of the multiple faces of our people from the north-center. The picture is admirable; breathtaking: drawing and color put together give us the living and palpable reality. . (ROMERO, 1980:1795)

In poetry, he believes that the popular genre, with a strong foot in folklore would be the result of a typically ours germination. For that, nowadays researching works of the critics in this area, through tales and regional stories, folklore elements, songs, etc… are an essential reference of anthropological studies. He possesses a stiffer and engaged posture on practicing critics as well as on literature appreciation, the critic does not satiate on analyzing the most famous writer at the time: Machado de Assis. In his critics on Machado´s works, Romero argues that the realistic writer, with his urban literature with a typically European ironic and pessimist tone, with nothing to do with Brazil, let the social role that literature should have untouched and did not contributed to the construction of our nationality. To Sílvio Romero, from the relationship between the man and the city – with the urban environment – would born an artificial culture, for the genuine culture would come from the experience of a real relation between the man and his surroundings. Machado de Assis proposes and builds, in his fiction, exactly the opposite of the idea defended by Romero. The author of Dom Casmurro paints a panel of the Brazilian society, especially, the urban environment. It´s from this space that the author extracts the quotidian facts, the customs, the colors and the tints to fictionally reconstruct the traces of nationality that was being forged in the Brazilian court – Rio de Janeiro – 19th century. Possibly, the contrariety between Machado´s literature with this and the other Romero´s criteria on an eminently national literature lead the critic to attack so fiercely Machado´s works. Machado de Assis´s style without being noted for a personal stamp is the exact photograph of the spirit of his indecisive psychology. Correct and mannered, he is not vivacious, neither rutile, neither grand, nor eloquent. He is placid, equal, uniform and stepwise. It is felt that the author does use neither profusely, nor spontaneously the vocabulary and the sentence. It is notable that he touches and he stumbles and that he suffers from disturbance in some of his language organs. (ROMERO, 1980:1506)

Was he so far from our country as Romero inflates? Through the analysis of “Miss Dollar”, the present paper searches for an answer to the question. The narrative is published in Contos Fluminenses (1870), a book of tales that marks the debut of the author in the genre that consecrated him. In the book, Machado de Assis is paired with imperial society highlighting its modes, its acquaintanceship, the types of social relationship, a Brazil that is showing itself with different colors and tones. Thus, we propose to discuss the palettes, brushes and tonality used by Machado de Assis to portrait brazilianness, presenting briefly some of the national traces reconstructed by the author in the tale. Before that, however, we will problematize the meaning of the concept of national and its theoretical and historical significance variability. 2. To be or not to be national: Is that the question? Two conceptions present themselves initially for the delimitation of the proposed problem: the space and the man. The critics that was practiced in Brazil in that epoch was characterized by a vision compromised with social questions, where the environment had a central importance to the


v A disobedient son: Machado de Assis and the Brazilian nation || Paola Jochimsen, Aline Farias, Sarah Ipiranga

literature´s1 affirmation due to being the locus that produces images and for being the vector of creative production. The Brazilian man inhabited there and he should possess the necessary characteristics to expel the colonial heritage and to affirm his artistic independency. Concerned with the literary exercise in its complexity, Machado altered the route of the critics and introduced a new direction. For Machado, to be a Brazilian is being allowed to exit from the exposure of the sun of the tropics and to enter in the shadow of the people´s houses. Above that, is to be able to master his language with the aesthetic capacity to subjugate the real and not being submissive to the landscape. The logic is other: instead, the writer and his style; from his observation, people; lastly, the landscape which in truth is integrated in the quotidian, for that does not need of more texts exalting it. With this literary position, Machado de Assis requires a new critic. However, within the ones that exceled as the Generation of 1870, only José Veríssimo could see the master´s art. The reasoning reverberate the explanation of Machado himself of how he understands the duty of a writer: “What should be required from writers above all is a certain intimate feeling that renders the man in his time and in his country, even when in the case of remote issues in time and in space. [highlighted by us] (MACHADO DE ASSIS apud SCHWARZ, 1987:166). Despite its exiguity, the constructed panel about the critics and of the concept of nationality in Brazil allows us to move to the analysis of the tale “Miss Dollar” in order to understand the “intimate feeling” of nationality elaborated by the narrative. 2.1. The shadow of idleness The tale “Miss Dollar” is narrated in the third person and it is divided in eight chapters. The narrative takes place in Rio de Janeiro in the 19th century presenting itself therefore, with a Rio de Janeiro´s society description of that time. It is in this scenario that the characters enter in acquaintanceship, that by order of appearance are the following: Miss Dollar – a little greyhound whose loss lead to a reward offer for the one who would find it, then return it to the owner. This situation sets the tone to a novelistic plot between Mendonça e Margarida; Dr. Mendonça “a man in his thirty-four years, well personable, frank and distinct ways. He had formed in medicine, and took care for patients for some time” (1994:3); Margarida – who was noticed “mainly, besides beauty of excellent quality, a certain sad severity in her modes and view.” (1994:6); Andrade – a Mendonça´s friend and confident; D. Antônia – Margarida´s aunt and Jorge´s mother; Jorge – “That boy who spent two hundred thousand réis a month, without earning them, thanks to the longanimity of his mother” (1994:11), to define him with a typification extracted from another tale of Machado: a true medallion. “Miss Dollar”, although being a tale, follows the characteristics of Machado´s novels of manners, in a certain way inspired, or at least in consonance, even if fortuitous with the proposal of the realistic writer Honoré de Balzac. He gives us a glimpse, in the preamble of his dashing project The Human Comedy, the role of the realistic writer and the path he chooses to follow. Making the inventory of the vices and the virtues, collecting the main reasons of the passions, painting characters, choosing the main events in society, composing types by reuniting the traces of the homogeneous characters maybe I could write the forgotten history by many historians the one of the customs. (BALZAC, 1842:52). [highlighted by us]. 1 See essay “Carta sobre a literatura brasílica” (reference), of Araripe Jr. There the Ceará critic expose his theory that deposited the power of the transformation on individuals in nature and their writing from climatic factors.


A disobedient son: Machado de Assis and the Brazilian nation || Paola Jochimsen, Aline Farias, Sarah Ipiranga

[…] by copying Society, capturing it the in wilderness of its agitation, happens, or at least should happen that such composition should offer more evil than good […]. Moreover, the author does not decide whether he should submit to the fire of criticism and should not write as a traveler should not always count with the perfect weather. About that, what is left for me is to observe that the most conscious moralists doubt that Society can offer so many good actions as well as bad ones. The actions to blame, the faults, the crimes, from the mild to the heavy, always find its human or divine punishment, explicitly or secretly. I did better than the historian, I am freer. (BALZAC, 1842:54).

In Passo´s (2007) opinion, with the advent of realism and the influence of Balzac as a reference to the purpose of literature in that moment, “the objective of the novel remain moral and epistemological obstinate to the representation of social and private life in development.” (PASSOS, 2007:89). Without running away from that scheme, Machado de Assis went on painting in his fiction the traces of the Brazilian society engendered in the quotidian social movement. Starting in the privacy of the homes and the most intimate user-friendly groups, to the public space of the streets and the environments frequented by the Brazilian population where the society´s widest changes occurred. For example, those are the themes constantly treated in his work the influence of social conventions in the individual´s attitude, the idleness of a urban environment born class and the behaviors how that class spent its time “devoting” to the others life and sometimes constituted the true “keeper” in the observation of morality. To understand those elements in their complex feature, it is important to understand that the Brazil described by Machado de Assis has its origins in our colonial society, whose modes, prejudice and customs migrated from the rural world to the city. That fact was due to the fall of the farming, the arrival of the Portuguese Court, the growth of urban spaces and due to a series of reforms that ended in modifying our enslaved society. Sérgio Buarque de Holanda presents us that process: One of the effects of the most forced improvisation of some kind of urban bourgeoisie in Brazil is that in some peculiar attitudes until then, to the rural patricians soon became common to all the classes as the principle ideal of conduct. Stereotyped for many years of rural life, the mentality of the Big-House invaded the city and conquered all professions, even the more humble ones. (HOLANDA, 2003:87).

As you see, lots of traces of the Brazilian society painted by Machado de Assis instigate to the reflection about social and historical roots of our culture (Cf. HOLANDA, 2003; FREYRE, 1992), revealed for example on the dominant thought and attitude before certain questions such as work, politics and marriage. In the tale what is to achieve is precisely to present the counterpoint which marks Brazilian society: the mental and cultural mismatch of a country that walked towards urbanization but still moves with the formerly wheels of the mills. As was told before, the loss of a dog is the motto for the unfolding of the narrative. Starting by the irony of the animal´s name which raises several assumptions, until the presentation of the characters and of the plot, everything is woven in a way to make a real Brazil coming to the surface, unexceptional, visible in its idiosyncrasies, vicissitudes, fortunes and misfortunes. The most notable element is undoubtedly the detestation that work arouses in the characters. From a microcosm (the relations kept in a particular way in the tale) expands the question to the social macrocosm of Brazilian nation. The character that will find the dog is a doctor (Mendonça), therefore, a worker, a man that possesses academic qualifications. However, despite having a profession, does not practice it anymore, since he created a medicine that had made a lot of success and thanks to it he got the pecuniary advantage that enables him to live without working. In other words, a man that has available and idle time. Contradictorily, that man with qualifications to help people, since he has the science for it, occupies his days taking care of the many dogs he owns which are nominated with


A disobedient son: Machado de Assis and the Brazilian nation || Paola Jochimsen, Aline Farias, Sarah Ipiranga

honorific titles and emperor names. The other characters as we will see do not get behind him, for they are too only moved by ambition and frivolity. Taking as a starting point Sérgio Buarque´s already exposed thoughts on the origins of our society we can understand such “detachment” on work as heritage of our colonial period, where the slave was “feet and hands” of the Lord of the operation: any job was realized by these man and to the white man was left enjoying his leisure and slavery. Slaves that literally became the feet of the Lords: walking for them, carrying them by net or palanquin. And his hands – at least the right ones; the ones with which they dress, putt on their shoes, button, cleaning, clam, wash, take vermin of their feet. (FREYRE, 1992:428).

The disinterested conduct in developing any activity without the figure of the slave reflected not only in our public services as HOLANDA (2003) observed, but also in the medium class of the 19th century. Such state of values, which still today can be understood in Brazil constitutes an echo of the feeling that rooted in our culture that work is ugly; slave and a minor people subject. Many of the difficulties observed since old times in the functioning of our public services should be assigned, undoubtedly to the same causes. In a country where during the most part of its existence was a land of Lords and slaves, without commerce that was not in the hands of ambitious adventitious wealth and ennoblement, would be impossible to find a numerous medium class and fit to do similar services. (HOLANDA, 2003:88).

If a job, therefore, does not dignify a man, but quite the opposite, diminishes him, as a consequence you get the idea that the origin of money does not come from continuous effort but has a lucky strike that might come with time, from inheritances on dispute, from marriages by interest, ultimately, by various plays that allows the player the triumph or the collapse. That condition is emblematic in the construction of Machado´s narratives. We can still comment on the caricatured painting of national human type the character Jorge, which by whom Machado portrays in “Miss Dollar” the frivolity of rich men that had not any occupation other than wasting their parents fortune in futile habits, in ethereal pleasures and unnecessary consumerism; that without having the minimum of worries and preoccupations with the future, with having a degree or a job, neither with a construction of a personal independence. Let´s analyze the mother´s attitude in relation to her son: “D. Antônia, with eyes and ears of a mother, thought that her son was the funniest kid in the whole world; but the truth is that did not exist more frivolous spirit in all Christianity.” [highlighted by us](MACHADO DE ASSIS, 2002:26). Starting from the mother´s compliance in relation to the son´s frivolity and the other exposed situations we return to the historical Brazilian devaluation of work, which contributed to the formation of such a picture where the personal character and effort are despised. But those should be the legitimate means on searching for survival and of conquering independence and patrimony. By analyzing the tale´s situations that denounce the state of affairs and of people in an organizing society we understand that to the critics at the time, Machado behaved as an ungrateful child since he mistreats the mother-nation that had generated him. Through his view there is a parade of sordid and unoccupied man, venal and passible women, cruel and frivolous young men. How a land that plants everything could germinate such despicable sons? What´s to be proud of? How to cope with Europe exporting leaning and profiteer? To Machado the importance and the function of literature did not lie there. Its ripening results are exactly in that filial indisposition, when sons are able to distance from their parents, observe their real faces and then following their own ways. On independence, Machado puts his and Brazilian


A disobedient son: Machado de Assis and the Brazilian nation || Paola Jochimsen, Aline Farias, Sarah Ipiranga

literature´s crossing, that now can walk without give account for anyone, living from its own expense. A literature that feeds, above all, from its own warp. Final considerations Brazilian literature for a long period of time followed or even copied the models that came from Europe. It was presented to us a Brazil that was not for Brazilians but for foreigners. Machado de Assis, on the other hand, presented to us Brazilian society the way it really was, a Brazil without idealizations, not limited to the imaginary about Indians and backcountry people, but a country that besides new, was a valuable mixture of types of humans. Such representation was a target of innumerous critics that did not ending on debunk its work; on the contrary, they expanded the discussion on the diversity of traces, profiles and constitutive characteristics of Brazilian people. With this paper we tried to demonstrate, through the analysis of one tale, which is part of the vast work of Machado de Assis, how the presented traces of brazilianness still prevail nowadays. Today we can still verify the presence of those national traces painted by Machado in contemporary Brazilian society. We observe the relative consensus in the 19th century about the urgency of national literature emancipation, for which the critics prescribed some kind of recipe. However, each one of them emphasized certain criteria (with some convergences and some divergences) with the objective of the construction of a genuinely Brazilian literature. For example, Araripe Júnior stressed the Indian novel that recognized the role of the Indian in the formation of Brazilian identity and highlighted the natural beauties of Terra Brasilis; Sílvio Romero and José Veríssimo emphasized the crossing of races in the composition of Brazilian people, praising backcountry novels which presented a popular source of the culture. Fleeing to the established rules and exploring aspects with little using in literature (the customs of the new classes, which started to organize in the urban environment), and that through a particular type of writing (fine sociological analysis in which the ironic and clever critics substitutes the laudatory and idealistic romantic literature), Machado´s literature was not correctly appreciated by the critics of his time. The analysis of the tale “Miss Dollar” which we developed in the second part of this paper, allowed us to reflect upon socio-historical bias explored by Machado de Assis in his painting of the Brazilian society. As we saw, his literary project is very similar to the one proposed by Honoré de Balzac, to whom the realistic writer would have to tell the history, not the one told by historians, but the one of the customs. In short, Machado de Assis constructs with the set of his works a real panel of Brazilian society managing to achieve the most entrenched and striking aspects of the new urban classes. Therefore, his work contains a rich set of types of humans contemplated from a perspective, at the same time, sociological and literary. Thereof we perceive the possible dialogue between the social representations in Machado´s literature and the historic and sociological studies, markedly in authors such as Gilberto Freyre and Sérgio Buarque de Holanda. Lastly, far away from corroborating with the harsh criticism addressed to Machado de Assis (thinking of his literature far from a genuinely national production), we hope to have presented part of the richness of his contribution to a critic comprehension and to the building of the Brazilian identity.


A disobedient son: Machado de Assis and the Brazilian nation || Paola Jochimsen, Aline Farias, Sarah Ipiranga

Bibliographic References: Assis, M. (2002). “Miss Dollar” in Contos Escolhidos. São Paulo: Martin Claret. Balzac, H. (1842). “Avant-propos”. La Comédie Humaine. Paris. p. 51-56. Freyre, G. (1992 [28th edition]) Casa-Grande & Senzala. Rio de Janeiro: Record. Holanda, S. (2003 [26th edition]). Raízes do Brasil. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras. Junior, T. (1978). Araripe Júnior: teoria, crítica e história literária (seleção e apresentação) de Alfredo Bosi. Rio de Janeiro: Livros Técnicos e Científicos; São Paulo, Ed. da Universidade de São Paulo. Passos, J. (2007). Machado de Assis: o romance com pessoas. São Paulo: Editora Universidade de São Paulo, Nankin Editorial. Romero, S. (1980 [7th edition]) História da literatura brasileira. Rio de Janeiro: J. Olympio; Brasília: INL. Schwarz, R. (1987). “Duas notas sobre Machado de Assis” in Que horas são?. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras. Veríssimo, J. (1977). José Veríssimo: teoria, crítica e história literária (seleção e apresentação) de João Alexandre Barbosa. Rio de Janeiro: Livros Técnicos e Científicos; São Paulo: Ed. da Universidade de São Paulo. ­­­­ ______. História da Literatura Brasileira. Fundação Biblioteca Nacional. [Url: www., accessed on 03/09/2013]


Abstract: In order to focus on the construction of the representation of the capira paulista, we have made some analytic annotations abound the figure of Jeca Tatu, based on the publication of Urupês, by Brazilian writer Monteiro Lobato, in 1918. The literary and identity construction forged by Monteiro Lobato (1882-1948) in the early twentieth century, later recreated by Amácio Mazzaropi (1912-1981) in the cinema, establishes a dialogue with many ethnocentric and Eurocentric values, and such representations contribute to the reproduction of notions in which the caipira subject is the bearer of inexorable marks of the civilisational backwardness of the nation. To this day, this embodiment of the other in Brazilian literature and cinema in the early and middle twentieth century disseminates itself and fosters discussion. Keywords: Jeca Tatu; Monteiro Lobato; Amacio Mazzaropi; caipira paulista; caipira dialect. The purpose of this communication is to contextualise the Brazilian cultural production about the caipira paulista1 in the first two decades of the twentieth century as part of global dynamics, especially regarding the construction of identity representations or the “construction of the other” undertaken by specific social groups in the West. The first factor that moves us originates from specific historical processes. We first came into prominence around the world as a continent invented by another one, Europe. At the same, we were involved to the violent processes of the diaspora and the enslavement of African black populations and to the genocide and enslavement of Brazilian Amerindian peoples. On the other hand, these links must be read in the light of civilising encounters and, therefore, beyond the colonising process. We are thus dealing with a cultural legacy. It is in these two directions that we undertake the discussion that underlies the analyses in this text. This means observing that many of the procedural elements forged in the wake of the colonial system still serve as bases for relations taking place in and originating from Brazil. This happens because Latin America itself was formed “at the same moment and in the same historical movement” in which capitalism globally emerged as an economic and socio-cultural system. In reality, economy and culture go imbricated in each other. 1 This communication is part of the discussions in our Phd thesis in Social Sciences entitled “Between Impromptu and Challenges: on cururu as a worldview of caipira groups in the Middle Tietê region of São Paulo”, funded and supported by FAPESP, São Paulo State Foundation for Research Support (2009-2013).


Under the sign of “Jeca Tatu”: notes on the construction of ethnocultural stereotypes in Brazilian literature and cinema during the 20th century Elisângela de Jesus Santos1 Social Studies Centre of the University of Coimbra, Portugal

1 Postdoctoral student at the Social Studies Centre of the University of Coimbra. Phd in Social Sciences from the São Paulo State University in Araraquara, Brazil. Coordinator of Catavento: Cultures and Identities Networks and Territories; a study group focused on popular cultures. CAPES Foundation scholarship student. E-mail: [email protected]

Under the sign of “Jeca Tatu”: notes on the construction of ethnocultural stereotypes in Brazilian literature and cinema during the 20th century || Elisângela de Jesus Santos

They can be distinguished as theoretical-methodological instances, separated at the level of scientific representation, but this differentiation, required at the analytical moment of knowledge – to a certain extent supported by appearances - must be overcome in a synthesis that takes their integration into account. There is a need to take account of both the unit and the distinction between the levels that compose the social totality (CANCLINI, 1983: 31).

Thus, the invention of the Latin American continent, specifically Brazil, involves not only the determination of a colonial condition but also social identities and subjectivities marked by these specific socio-cultural and economic processes. According to Aníbal Quijano (2010), Latin America gives rise to social relations based on the “coloniality of power” (QUIJANO, 2010: 73). Coloniality is one of the specific and constituting elements of the global pattern of capitalist power. It is argued for the imposition of a racial/ethnic classification of the world population as a cornerstone of the said power pattern and it operates in each of the plans, spheres and dimensions, material and subjective, of everyday social existence and societal scale. It originates and globalises from America. (QUIJANO, 2010: 73).

Indeed, with the globalisation of the economic system, coloniality and modernity both act as specific axes of power patterns of Latin American capitalism. In addressing the issues that moulded modernity, observing the Brazilian case in the cultural axis, we verify that the forms of subjectivity forged in the wake of this worldwide process constituted various identity facets of different human groups in Brazil. For our interest, we reflect upon the popular cultural modalities inserted in capitalism. In studies conducted in the late 1970s and early 1980s, Argentine anthropologist Néstor García Canclini (1983) verifies two starting points for the analytical mapping of Latin American popular culture. Both from the point of view of “spontaneous creation” and people’s memorial, as well as in its remarkable marketing production logic in a situation of backwardness, the “romantic solution” sought to isolate the creative and the artisanal, imagining pure communities with no contact with capitalist development “as if popular cultures were not the result of the absorption of dominant ideologies and the contradictions among the oppressed classes themselves” (CANCLINI, 1983, p.11) at the same time they were incorporated as “marketing strategies” in which it was possible to see the people’s products, but not the people who produced them. This is important because no cultural and sociohistorical phenomenon fails to express a set of social relations. “Therefore, its explanation and its meaning cannot be found but in a larger field of relations than the one corresponding to it” (QUIJANO, 2010: 83). Eurocentrism is not a perspective exclusive to Europeans or to the “dominants of world capitalism, but also to the group of those educated under their hegemony (FANON, 2008; QUIJANO, 2010: 75). This is a “cognitive perspective” that naturalises the individual experiences from these power relations, in the attempt to deprive them of questioning (QUIJANO, 2010) against this same ordering. Subjectivities naturalisation attempts in the capitalist system also occur around the constitution of scientific fields and the constitution of the nation-state. The scientific processes and the constitution of the modern state as a normative institution were based on literate knowledge and on writing as the main instruments, able to produce guiding forms of knowledge for the “cognitive needs of capitalism: measurement, externalisation (or objectification) of the knowable in relation to the knower, to the control of the relations of individuals with nature and between those in relation to this” (QUIJANO, 2010: 74). In order to achieve that, the constitution of social science as a scientific discipline was fundamental.


Under the sign of “Jeca Tatu”: notes on the construction of ethnocultural stereotypes in Brazilian literature and cinema during the 20th century || Elisângela de Jesus Santos

Without the aid of the social sciences, the modern state would not have the ability to exert control on people’s lives, set collective goals in the long and in the short run or to construct and assign a cultural “identity” to the citizens. Not only the restructuring of the economy according to the new demands of international capitalism, but also the redefining of political legitimacy, and even the identification of each nation’s own character and peculiar values, demanded a representation scientifically-based representation on the way social reality “worked”. Only on this information it was possible to fulfil and execute government programmes. (CASTRO-GÓMEZ, 2005).

The practical matrix that will lead to the emergence of the social sciences is the need to “adjust” the lives of men to the production system. It is in this sense that we observe the discourses forged about the identity of the caipira paulista in the twentieth century, among other narratives that forge discourses about “the other” in this same context. The creation of subjectivities for productive and domination purposes implies inventing the other from a Eurocentric and ethnocentric perspective. And this implies not only the creation of imaginaries, but also a series of power and knowledge devices that instrumentalises these actions and relationships. When discussing, with due seriousness, the joke as a language instrument that acts as inequalities and social injustices potency, Dagoberto José Fonseca (2012) observes that the narratives in the form of a joke originate from the collective imagination and impact on common knowledge with great popular appeal . In the end, jokes assign a status of truth to prejudice and stereotyped practices. The main objective of the joke is to disfigure the subject portrayed in it. Because they treat and represent the other from an ethnocentric standard, they tend to elect whiteness, masculinity and erudition as moralising standards of beauty, intelligence and social position, disqualifying, by means of laughter, whatever other attitudes at odds with this normative standard. Fonseca (2012) also observes that, in Brazil, jokes are political constructions for the deliberate exercise of exclusion of black and mixed-race people that occurs in parallel to the construction of the nation-state in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Thus, the induction of laughter by means of the joke also constitutes an important instrument to the “universalisation” of the bourgeois ideology in the country. The satirical and ridiculing character of some of the cultural production is associated to the production of jokes among individuals of the group itself, but also about other groups that would be “contained” in the caipira group or in the broader society, such as black people, homosexuals, and women, among others. The joke and the laughter it causes are immersed in a local historical and cultural production as parts of an “exchange between language and power, the word, its representations, its meanings and the social relations led – both materially and symbolically – by all” (FONSECA, 2012: 35). The discourse uttered in a joke is a narrative form is driven by the dominant ideology in the present time and takes effect because it is supported by the social group (FONSECA, ditto). Laughter is the link between the sender and the receiver and demonstrates that social communication has been effectively established. It acts to situate and identify the disorder and has educational effect. The joke against all the social segments that disobey the logic prescribed by bourgeois and ethnocentric standards cannot be read only as alienation of these said groups, but as “part of complex power relations and political, cultural and economic positioning of each individual within our society” (FONSECA, 2012: 37). As one of many other resources and collective ethnocentric representations and also as a linguistic unity (FONSECA, 2012) the joke was able to contribute, along with other instruments (such as written


Under the sign of “Jeca Tatu”: notes on the construction of ethnocultural stereotypes in Brazilian literature and cinema during the 20th century || Elisângela de Jesus Santos

language in its literary, legal and scientific form) articulated to regulate the relations in the modern world governed by a “written legality” (CASTRO-GÓMEZ, 2005). In the Latin American context it is possible to say that this written legality consists in the means to forge citizenship: The acquisition of citizenship is thus a funnel through which only those people whose profile fits the type of person required by the project of modernity will pass: male, white, father, Catholic, owner, literate and straight. Individuals who do not meet these requirements (women, employees, crazies, illiterates, black people, heretics, slaves, indigenous, homosexuals, dissidents) are left out of the “lettered city” inmates within illegality, and subject to punishment and therapy by the same laws that excludes them. (CASTROGÓMEZ, 2005).

From the power relations point of view, the discourses contained in jokes reinforce negative stereotypes while inciting the denunciation of these stereotypes, pointing at the necessity of overcoming the prejudices and inequalities that permeate our society (FONSECA, 2012). If the discourse produced by caipiras and black groups reproduce or build around themselves have as assumptions the disciplining relations that are the standard in our society, this presupposes the understanding of how the standard society works and, therefore, implies, to some extent, awareness of what has to be done in order to transform it (and/or reproduce it). Faced with this paradox, an indicator of the overcoming of the subalternity condition, the discourses of these groups are, by themselves, permeated by subjectification processes based on the coloniality of power (QUIJANO, 2010). It is undeniable that the caipira group itself has assumed some identification elements that link this group to the notions of backwardness or uncivilisation contained in the figure of “Jeca Tatu”. To better understand how this works, the studies of Frantz Fanon (2008) relating to the identity constitutions in the wake of the colonizer process demonstrate how the coloniality of power acts in the subjectification processes: Every colonized people - that is, every people among whom an inferiority complex was born due to the burial of their cultural originality - takes position before the language of the civilising nation, i.e., the metropolitan culture. The more they assimilate the cultural values of the metropolis, the more colonized they will escape from their jungle. The more they reject their blackness, their grass, the whiter they will be (FANON, 2008).

Even if social groups problematise and resignify these discourses to their own benefit depending on the interests at stake, the fact is that they have these discourses as a natural (or naturalised) fact; this naturalisation, tied to non-questioning and to non-breaking the processes of the coloniality of power (QUIJANO, 2010), underlies the everyday reality of these groups in their internal context, but also in a broader national political context. In any case, the paradox by itself implies the need to observe the subordinate condition from at least two points of view: from inside and from outside the subordinate condition (SANTOS, 2006). The point was to tie all citizens to the production process through the submission of their time and body to a series of norms defined and legitimated by knowledge. The social sciences teach what the “laws” that govern economy, society, politics and history are. The state, by its turn, defines its government politics based on this normativity scientifically legitimated. (CASTRO-GÓMEZ, 2005).

Still on jokes as subtle discourse of order, the same observation we made towards the caipira groups, Fonseca (2012) observes in relation to the appropriation of the bourgeois standard and


Under the sign of “Jeca Tatu”: notes on the construction of ethnocultural stereotypes in Brazilian literature and cinema during the 20th century || Elisângela de Jesus Santos

whiteness discourse by black groups: In this process of self-denial, black people try to repel, through the pleasure of laughter, the displeasure they feel in their body and soul. When telling jokes that disqualify their contingent in the presence of white people, they, in general, crave to become the ones that produce these messages, not its object or its receptors (FONSECA, 2012: 38).

Such resignation must obviously be read as perceptions and attitudes that exist as a result of standards that are taken as “proved truth”, uncontested, once they are attested by science, by the church or by the state, “bigger” and more coercive powers, and not as racist assumptions scientifically forged in order to “attest” the attitudes of the caipira population as “lazy” and “indolent” towards the elements of modernity on which democratic discourses are based but that, in general, have only oppressed and neglected this population. In practice, the “laziness” attributed to groups such as the caipiras is also an attitude resulting of the perception of the implications that these hegemonic discourses, forged in coliniality, have the intention to discipline, stereotype and often hegemonise groups that, due to their adverse conditions have never historically and definitely the Eurocentric and ethnocentric standard framework. Beyond the aforementioned stereotyped representations of the caipira paulista, it is important to pay attention to the diffusion of the Jeca Tatu figure in Brazilian cinema by Amácio Mazzaropi (1912-1981) through his film production and on-screen acting. In films such as “O Lamparina” (1963), “Jecão, um fofoqueiro no céu” (1977), “Tristeza do Jeca” (1961), among others, Mazarropi filmed the universe of the caipira and has established the figure of the Jeca in film 2.

Tristeza do Jeca. Brasil, 1961 3/ Table 1. Film poster. 2 Mazzaropi had his own film production company, PAM Films, whose name was formed by the owner’s initials. The film Tristeza do Jeca was shot on his farm, Fazenda Santa, a property in Taubaté, São Paulo, using cinematographic equipment from Cia. Vera Cruz. The original song “Tristeza do Jeca” (1918), penned by Argelino de Oliveira, was inspired by the book Urupês by Monteiro Lobato, which was also published in 1918. Recently, in a poll conducted by the Brazilian newspaper “Folha de São Paulo”, the song was elected the Best Caipira Song of All Times, ninety years after it was first released. Available at Accessed 05 March 2013. The most recognised recording of the song is attributed to the renowned Brazilian duo “Tonico e Tinoco”. 3 Available at: . Accessed 05 March 2013.


Under the sign of “Jeca Tatu”: notes on the construction of ethnocultural stereotypes in Brazilian literature and cinema during the 20th century || Elisângela de Jesus Santos

In the film Tristeza do Jeca4 (1961), the initial scenes are enough to evince the main storyline that deals with questions related to the dispute for the local power and the caipira as a voter within the local political system, “coronelismo”. Among the scenes of rural everyday life, a group of local workers returning home after a day of work in the field is followed by Jeca, who is seen sleeping at the lakeside while pretending to fish next to his son. While treading their way back to their homes in the rural neighbourhood, the group discusses the local political situation, but are interrupted by the ringing of bells calling attention to the time to pray the Ave-Maria. In an explicit sign of devotion, everyone stops; men take off their hats and women bow their heads while crossing their hands in front of their chests to say the prayer. Following the scene, Brazilian singer Agnaldo Rayol is seen acting as a rural worker and, “characterised” as such, sings Ave-Maria do Sertão, a composition by Pedro Muniz and Conde. Jeca, after discussing politics with his fellow workers and neighbours on the boss’s farm, stops next to the group to hear the Ave-Maria. In one of the songs, sung by Mazzaropi himself in another scene, Jeca is portrayed as a lazy bum, someone who does nothing but watching and commenting on the work of others. It is Jeca, however, that everyone relies on. It is Jeca whom everybody trusts, and what Jeca says is followed as the worker’s group consensus. The entire film revolves around the contradiction in that Jeca is a lazy man who poses as hardworking while, being deceitful, he is the leadership of the group. He is the one who must be convinced by local politicians who, harassing Jeca, insist that he should demonstrate support for one of the candidates who dispute over the local municipality. The rodeo is the place of hustings arranged by the Opposition to the colonel who already holds local authority. This same event is the place of a rally which Jeca is forced to attend, and at which he is supposedly induced to show support for the candidate in question, influencing his friends and compadres5. Meanwhile, his daughter, a young woman to whom three young caipiras from the neighbourhood lose their hearts, becomes involved with the colonel’s son. The colonel is trying to elect himself at the expense of the candidature of an old man who is seemingly inattentive to the matters of local power. The tone of the film, regarding this question of the rodeo and the recreation on the farm, supports the fact that the people are not there because of the rally and political life itself, but because there is a party where everybody is able to enjoy themselves – suggesting that life in a rural environment is boring. On the other hand, the film also supports the idea that the questioning and debates about the dispute and the future of the locals are undertaken in moments of everyday life, while walking back home after a day of work, and not in “enemy” territory, that is, at the rally. One does not attend the event to do politics in a strategic sense or to take part in debates, but to enjoy the amusement or to put into practice actions that address the interest of the groups that are engaged on the fight. The tied-to-leisure caipira sociability is seen in Mazzaropi’s films. Another aspect related to the rodeo dynamic itself and to the collective caipira recreation, not seen in “Tristeza do Jeca” but a subject in many other Mazzaropi films is the question of the circus. Upon its emergence, the role 4 Tristeza do Jeca. Brazil, 1961. Conceived, produced and directed by Amacio Mazzaropi. Screenplay: Milton Amaral; Cinematography: Rodolfo Icsey. Comedy, Fiction; 95 minutes. Certificate: Universal (BBFC), General Audiences (MPAA). Information available at Accessed 4 March 2013. The film is available on YouTube: http://www. Accessed 14 March 2013. 5 In Brazilian Portuguese, compadre and its feminine form, comadre denote a very specific kind of relationship. In a strict sense, this relationship originates from the context of a religious wedding: the groom and the best man are each other’s compadres, and the bride and the bridesmaid are each other’s comadres (though a bridesmaid is also the groom’s comadre and the best man is the bride’s compadre). It is important to emphasise, though, that compadres and comadres quite often share strong ties of kinship; even if there are no blood ties between them, they are considered to be family members. Occasionally, in popular parlance, these terms are also used to refer to very close friends, especially in the countryside.


Under the sign of “Jeca Tatu”: notes on the construction of ethnocultural stereotypes in Brazilian literature and cinema during the 20th century || Elisângela de Jesus Santos

of Mazzaropi’s cinema can indeed be seen as parallel to the circus’s. In the decades of the advent of national cultural industry, including the emergence of Brazilian television in the 1950s and the development of national cinema which he helped to build in a self-sustaining way, the assistance of his films was composed of people from the incipient urban peripheries, places which many families of a rural background were migrating into, in the context of the São Paulo state. In “Tristeza do Jeca” the opening vignette highlights the homonymous song. In important moments of the story, the film is interspersed with the instrumental song in order to express Jeca’s sadness, especially with the kidnapping of his youngest son, in retaliation for alleged support for the opposition of the local ruler, a farmer who “provides” job and housing to the workers in exchange for votes. Mazzaropi’s Jeca is Monteiro Lobato’s caipira. In one of the scenes, due to unflagging laziness that makes him sleep all day long, sloppy Jeca is unable to use his shotgun at a crucial moment, in the chase of the tormentors amidst the failed rescue of his son. For much of the scene, Jeca remains sitting on an earth mound loading the shotgun while his wife screams desperately, demanding him to take action in the face of the colonel’s cronies who, once more, run away with the boy. Among the real life dramas of the caipira is the issue of not owning the lands where they work. The place they take sustenance from and dwell in does not belong to them and, election after election, the disputes between colonels, who are always the same landowners for generations, eventually reverberate on the caipira’s everyday life, severely harassed and punished should they disobey the orders or fail to offer support for the “boss”, owner of the properties where they live and draw sustenance from. When everything becomes dramatic, Jeca is blamed for the lack of work that ravages the neighbour’s lives, but triggers the solidarity and work relations fostered by the united group, so that the neighbours should think again and help to look for his missing son. In the face of the insistence of the neighbours, who keep locked in their houses, Jeca appeals beyond his own condition and, as a local politician, promises to provide a “job” for everyone, once the marriage of his daughter to the elected colonel would automatically assign Jeca influence and power regarding local issues. In another scene, there is a portrayal of the bargaining opportunities held by voting in the period depicted in the film – and it is fitting that it should be questioned whether it is still held, in some contexts. The “fixer” asks an old lady if she already has a candidate. The humble lady answers by rubbing her thumb and her forefinger, a gesture that means “money”, and then saying that nobody has talked to her about that. The man asks her what she needs. She goes on, saying she needs everything: “clothes, money, medicine, cachaça”. The fixer offers her 500 thousand réis (Brazil’s currency at the time) to meet the needs of the woman – an old black woman who lives in a shanty - and her family. Then, another fixer appears, this time representing the opposing candidate, and also offers 500 thousand réis for the family to vote on the opponent. The old woman smiles and in the absence of the corrupter, says she regrets the fact that there are no more candidates to bribe her The film ends on a positive note. But this could not be observed in real life. Living in a supposedly civilised society based on hegemonic standards underpinned by ethnocentrism and whiteness, it is difficult to renege on the whole process in question under the penalty of being completely excluded from it. It is in this sense that we verify the need of adaptation of the caipira groups and demands of exclusion which, besides being prescribed by the Catholic liturgy in colonial contexts, were intensified with the modernisation processes of Brazilian society, as shown in the film. We believe that the illustrations from the film are enough to express something to that effect. While possessing identity characteristics which they cannot and do not want to forsake, caipira groups sometimes find themselves in situations of dependence in which the own maintenance of the diverse


Under the sign of “Jeca Tatu”: notes on the construction of ethnocultural stereotypes in Brazilian literature and cinema during the 20th century || Elisângela de Jesus Santos

condition only happens with the effective reproduction of ethnocentric standards that disqualify their difference and make it invisible. We are facing ambiguities. Despite bearing elements that contest the ethnocentric formula and having inherited countless references regarding myths, memory, vocabulary, among other material and symbolic practices of Amerindian and African legacy which enabled effective ruptures with the civilisational Eurocentric discourse, the caipira identity practices go on to reshape and build new discourses suitable to the allegedly hegemonic standard of civilised societies and, in order to do so, admit such adjustments in its cultural form as well. Among the aspects we deal with, we notice that language, or the way the official language is “handled”, is an important instrument in the cultural struggle to mark the difference. In the case of the caipira paulista, Amadeu Amaral (1982) verifies that the caipira “dialect”, a very popular “aspect of Portuguese dialectation in São Paulo”, presents the phonetic slowness of the caipira speech, that is, the chanting-like aspect – though this is not directly related to musicality – causing vowel lengthening in speech, even though to varying degrees (AMARAL, 1982). From a fey, scaremongering point of view, the caipira dialect was considered inappropriate, once it supposedly bore several “language vices”. Such conception was widespread in the early twentieth century Amadeu Amaral knew, but to this day it still regulates the social place of the caipira group in Brazil. Poor or outdated schooling conditions, or even illiteracy, are marks that reinforce this social place of marginalisation of the caipira identity in the wake of sociocultural inequality relations, once the written word permeates the construction of modernity as a project of civilised society. We are therefore facing a disciplinary practice that reflects the contradictions that would eventually tear the modernity project to shreds: establishing conditions for “freedom” and “order” implied the submission of the instincts, the suppression of spontaneity, the control over the differences. In order to be civilized, to be part of modernity, to be Colombian, Brazilian or Venezuelan citizens, the individuals should not only behave properly and be able to read and write, but also adapt their language to meet a series of norms. Submission to order and to norm leads the individual replace the heterogeneous and spontaneous life flow with the adoption of a continuum arbitrarily constituted by the written word. (CASTRO-GÓMEZ, 2005).

Also according to Amadeu Amaral (1982), the vocabulary that composes the caipira “dialect” – the first edition was published in 1920 – would be comprised of: a) elements derived from the Portuguese spoken by the early colonists, many of which became archaic in standard language; b) terms from the native indigenous languages; c) words indirectly imported from other languages d) words formed within the dialect itself (AMARAL, 1982).

Changes in the caipira group behaviour and lifestyle happened as the city also changed. Amadeu Amaral (1982) points out that during the implementation of law courses in São Paulo there were people who feared a “negative” influence of this parlance over the establishment of the courses and the training of future graduates. This logic is well tailored to the legal logic itself, to which we have already drawn attention. This particular dialect would contain not only in the lexicon, but also in its syntax and phonetics, elements that are characteristic of the Portuguese spoken in Portugal in the sixteenth century. These elements would be responsible for the constitution of a type of rustic Portuguese in Brazil, which eventually metamorphosed into caipira and paulista parlances, generally speaking. Archaic expressions from the Portuguese spoken in Portugal would be present, both in form and meaning,


Under the sign of “Jeca Tatu”: notes on the construction of ethnocultural stereotypes in Brazilian literature and cinema during the 20th century || Elisângela de Jesus Santos

in the caipira dialect. The author also draws attention to the position of the tongue as part of the speaker’s body as an important factor for the phonetic variations. Indigenous heritage prior to the presence of black people is also noticeable in the caipira dialect, mainly in elements and words of tupi origin. This dialect was subsequently enriched with influences of black and (mainly Italian) immigrant groups in the coffee-exporting São Paulo from the nineteenth century onwards. The historical changes that took place in the city of São Paulo put the caipira dialect in the background. Amadeu Amaral (1982) also notes that factors such as the replacement of slave labour with a system of salaried workforce, the greater population density, the development of commerce and, consequently, the increase in the flow of people and goods across the country and around the world, the diffusion of written culture at the expense of oral tradition, the presence of other cultural elements under great influence of Eurocentric references in the urban culture of São Paulo, highlighted by increased production processes, and the demonization and marginalisation of practices inherited from African black or indigenous practices, were determining factors in the move from a caipira “culture” towards a more civilising “culture” (AMARAL, 1982). As Norbert Elias (1994) comments, the civilising process consists of discipline and repression of instincts in order to difference more visible as social data. This same process “implies an increase in the spaces of shame, because it was necessary that one should distinguish oneself from all the social classes that did not belong to the scope of the civitas” (CASTRO-GÓMEZ, 2005). And thus: The “entry” into the banquet of modernity required compliance with a normative prescription used to distinguish members of the new urban class that was beginning to emerge in Latin America during the second half of the nineteenth century. This “us” referred to in the manual is thus the bourgeois citizen, the one whom the republican constitutions address, the one who knows how to speak, eat, handle cutlery, blow one’s nose, treat employees, behave in society. (CASTRO-GÓMEZ, 2005).

Thought and language are deeply associated to the forms of social organisation in which individuals establish relationships (LÉVI-STRAUSS, 1986). During the time when the illustrious paulista speech reigned with no appreciable contrast, caipirism did not exist only in language, but in all manifestations of our provincial life. For some decades now everything began to change. The replacement of slave labour with salaried work has driven much of the black population away from everyday contact with the whites, thus modifying one of the factors of our dialectal differentiation. The genuine caipiras, ignorant and backward, have also begun to be put aside, to have dwindling interference in the customs and the organisation of the new order of things. The population grew and mingled itself with different elements. Thoroughfares were built everywhere, commerce was intensified, the small isolated population centres began to exchange relations of all sorts, and the province, in its turn, got permanently intact with outside civilisation. Schooling, which was very limited, took an extraordinary increase. It was impossible for the caipira dialect not to be influenced by such major alterations in the social environment (AMARAL, 1982).

In this sense, the prescribed forms based on the normative standards of modernity, which were based on evolutionism, instilled not only an imaginary about civilization, but “barbarism” as its counterpart. Such standards were materialised harboured in regulations governed by educational and detention institutions, all of which organised by law, by the state and the social sciences (CASTROGÓMEZ, 2005). Therefore, these are the processes and mechanisms that strengthen the production and maintenance of cognitive and sociocultural injustices.


Under the sign of “Jeca Tatu”: notes on the construction of ethnocultural stereotypes in Brazilian literature and cinema during the 20th century || Elisângela de Jesus Santos

“Urbanity” and “civic education” have thus played the part of pedagogical taxonomy that separated morning dress from scum, cleanliness from dirt, capital from provinces, republic from colony, the civilization from barbarism. (CASTRO-GÓMEZ, 2005).

The persistent denial of this bond between modernity and colonialism by the social sciences has been, in reality, one of the most explicit signs of its conceptual limitation (CASTRO-GÓMEZ, 2005). Impregnated since their origins by a Eurocentric imaginary, and once we concentrate on these same questions in the disciplinary context that we question, we also engage in an effort to deconstruct these same beliefs even though, as social scientists, we are immersed in the same contradiction mention. Thus, we tackle different discourses uttered within and about the caipira group as identity elements collected in different contexts, spaces and supports of memories and narratives “storage” in order to realize two nuances: the introjections of stereotyped representations of the caipira aiming at the reproduction of hegemonic social relations in a domination sense; and the identity autonomy of the subjects in the caipira context of São Paulo, constituting a singular cosmology of their own. In this last case, and in other contexts beyond the purview of this work, we intended to strengthen the idea that the singers and popular musicians in the context of São Paulo’s caipira culture are contemporary cultural producers in dialogue with other cultural practices or musical “strands” existing in the state of São Paulo and in the world.

Bibliographic References Amaral, A. (1982). O Dialeto Caipira: gramática-vocabulário. São Paulo: Hucitec. Canclini, N. (1983). As Culturas Populares no Capitalismo. São Paulo: Brasiliense. Castro-Gómez, S. (2005). “Ciências sociais, violência epistêmica e o problema da ‘invenção do outro’” in: A colonialidade do saber: eurocentrismo e ciências sociais. Perspectivas latinoamericanas. Edgardo Lander (org). Colección Sur Sur, CLACSO, Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires, Argentina. pp.169-186. [Url: CastroGomez.rtf, accessed on 15/11/2012]. Elias, N. (1994). O processo civilizador: uma história dos costumes. Vol. 1. Rio de Janeiro: Jorge Zahar. Fanon, F. (2008). Pele Negra, Máscaras Brancas. Salvador: UFBA. Fonseca, D. (2012). Você conhece aquela? A piada, o riso e o racismo da brasileira. São Paulo: Selo Negro. Lévi-Strauss, C. (1986). O Pensamento Selvagem. São Paulo: Brasiliense. Lobato, J. (1946). Idéias de Jeca Tatu. São Paulo: Brasiliense. ____. (1991). Urupês. São Paulo: Brasiliense. Quijano, A. (2009). “Colonialidade do poder e classificação social” in Santos, Boaventura de Sousa e Meneses, Maria Paula (orgs.). Epistemologias do Sul. Coimbra: Edições Almedina, p. 73-117. Santos, B. (2006). “Para uma sociologia das ausências e uma sociologia das emergências” in Revista Crítica de Ciências Sociais, nº 63, outubro de 2002. pp.237-280. [Url: http://www., accessed on 12/10/2012].


Under the sign of “Jeca Tatu”: notes on the construction of ethnocultural stereotypes in Brazilian literature and cinema during the 20th century || Elisângela de Jesus Santos

____. (2010). “Introdução” in Santos, Boaventura de Sousa; Meneses, Maria Paula (orgs.). Epistemologias do Sul. Coimbra: Almedina. Santos, E. (2013). Entre Improvisos e Desafios: do cururu como cosmologia de grupos caipiras no Médio Tietê. Tese de Doutorado em Ciências Sociais. São Paulo: UNESP Araraquara.



The presence of the colonial and the post-colonial imaginary in literature 2

Introduction We can say that the Bible is “the book of Humanity” in the measure it has become heritage both of believers and of those who have no faith. On the one hand it collects in one volume the amount of their sacred books for Jews and Christians. On the other hand, being respected and observed even by other religious systems, the Bible is a document that deeply marks Humanity owing to both its presence in History and to its recognised modernity. It is a collection of texts of intercontinental origin which express a synthesis of cultures. Africa in particular is not only the cradle of many of its stories, but also the origin of its first translation, Septuaginta or The Translation of the Seventy. In the same way, whether from early times of production, or from the translation beginning, the sacred text ran through antagonistic political regimes until the post-colonial contemporaneity. Although it is usually considered as the book of Christian missionary action, the Bible has been primarily a broadly used literacy handbook and a moral value benchmark for a vast diversity of peoples. Considering in particular the complexity of mediation processes between the colonial missionaries and the colonized populations, the decolonization of thought proposed in the theme of the IV Congress of Cultural Studies arises as an opportunity to rediscover the “place” of the (sacred) Word in the Lusophony. By placing the Bible between Prosperous and Caliban, our work proposal intends to identify both the marks of a border culture, originated in the worlds of the Book and, as Book of the world, the possibility of being a bridge between “border” cultures. In that sense, more than wishing to arise questions considered pertinent but which demand further deepening, we aim at: 1) reflecting on relevance of the melting pot (the dominant and the dominated) where the text was produced and 2) testifying the role played by the biblical text and that it can play both in the approach of peoples as instrument of their value recognition, and in their social development in multiple contexts. At a first stage we will formulate our reflection by articulating the epistemology of inter-identity proposed by Santos (2001) in the context of biblical literature production. At the second stage and based in the presence of Africa in the Bible we will develop a tour through the reality of the Bible in Africa. We will in particular focus some examples of the role played by the sacred text in some African populations’ daily life. In the post-colonial globalized reality an attempt of using the Bible as a mediation instrument (between the colonists and the colonized) besides contributing to the study and understanding of our identities and collective memories intends to participate in


The Bible between Prosperous and Caliban Simão Daniel Fonseca1

1 Estudante PhD em Estudos Culturais [email protected]

The Bible between Prosperous and Caliban || Simão Daniel Fonseca

the process of decolonization, as a reality happening in a plural context. Aware of constraints, the challenge of arising the subject here seems legitimate to us. 1. Border zone When we analyze the biblical text in the scope of Cultural Studies we include it between the concepts of periphery and hybridity pointed by Boaventura Sousa Santos in his epistemology of interidentity (Santos, 2001). We propose to analyze the Bible specifically as a work where narrative happens in a peripheral geographical reality and where culture is translated by a hybridity we can describe as borderline; that is, “living on the margin without being marginal” (Santos, 2001:38). In this sense, before dealing with the use given to the Bible by the colonists and its respective contribution to the literacy of the colonized African populations, our communication starts by reflecting the relevance of sense negotiation carried out in the historical context of biblical narration. When this goal is fulfilled we will be able to understand the importance of the role that the Bible can play in a post-colonial environment. If, on one hand, the Hebrew writings show the influence of Egyptian, Babylonian and Persian cultures, on the other hand we will not be able to understand the Christian Scriptures without referring to the intercultural relationship with the Greek and Roman civilizations. When globalization is a fact of our day, revisiting this work of universal appeal can contribute to the complex analysis of intercultural exchange in the global village. Considering these qualities which enable an intermediate and intermediary position, we argue that, politically and culturally, the biblical contents develop in a place between Prosperous and Caliban. It is the story of a people which is simultaneously dominant and dominated. In this sense we recognize the “inter-identity as original identity” (Santos, 2001:54) in the biblical text as a concept which clarifies the complex identity process developing in the condition of a dominant people subject to dominion. With Ribeiro (2004), we could also say that, in the biblical authors’ sight, they imagined themselves both as the centre of the world and as periphery of their promised land. According to Boaventura Sousa Santos’s three “mirror games”, we can understand the three sense negotiations that shape the cultural melting pot where the self-image of the biblical authors was formed: 1) the sense of Prosperous, besides counting on the condition of the elected one and the promise of domination, developed mainly in a period when, though short (before the division of the kingdoms and exiles) the Hebrew people had a (territorial, economic, military, etc.) dominant role in the area scenery. 2) The sense of Caliban is also derived of this historical situation which, in a certain measure, contributes to the development of a collective mentality of “the proud subordinate”, when they had to face a situation of dependence. Before the feeling of dislocation in relation to those who were in a dominant position (Egyptian, Babylonian and Persian empires) and a form of identification which was neither emancipated nor emancipating and was torn between the inadequacy of a “Prosper with Caliban feet” and the excesses of a Caliban “missing Prosperous” (Santos, 2001:76). This attitude can be recognized from the fragmentation of the Hebrew Monarchy to the autonomy negotiated by the Jews in their relationship with the Persian and Roman empires. The fact that the Hebrew people was dependent and subordinate to the Egyptian, Babylonian, Persian and Roman peoples helps us recognize signs of a Caliban in the Jewish history and culture, in the Middle East: a people completely reduced to the condition of borderline. The Hebrew frailties made them negotiate often, not only work and commerce products, but also their security and survival through mutual agreements with other peoples and their military chiefs. Following these practices, we also find miscegenation, language learning and living their respective habits. This blend on the


The Bible between Prosperous and Caliban || Simão Daniel Fonseca

one hand disqualified the Hebrew condition of a (dominant) elected people and on the other hand branded them as “proto-Caliban” (Santos, 2001: 57). In the reflection of the second mirror proposed by Boaventura Sousa Santos, the moment of Prosperous, we underline that the identity affirmation is fulfilled through the status of the divine archetype for the civilization (redemption) of the world. However, despite the nature of this mission, although the Jews revealed frailties in living by the image of the divine model, namely a hyper-identity that overlooked their responsibility towards the foreign peoples, they didn’t lose their inter-identity developed along centuries. In a second moment, in the context of the return from the diaspora and identity restoration, the Prosperous condition is affirmed through the Caliban extinction. In both return movements the processes are associated to “revival” movements of the Jewish community under the patronage of the dominant people, the Persian Empire. Although the circumstances of a feeble Prosperous, this freedom environment contributes to the consolidation of a paradigm of post-dominant relationships. Whether due to their experience of dominated, or to their incapacity to dominate, the Hebrew people enjoyed in these periods a greater autonomy when compared to other peoples dominated in a hegemonic way. In this sense we can propose that this weak Prosperous’s informal dominion enabled the development of diplomatic relationships with other peoples. As a consequence of this hybrid position, neither a Prosperous nor a Caliban (not showing credit with the dominant and not threatening the dominated ones) the sacred literature post-exile has developed in a political and cultural melting pot that corresponds to the gap between these two mirrors. This way, an epistemology of the inter-identity as a “border approach” enables us to perceive the Bible as a border zone, a text with a plural imaginary that can consolidate the approach of the peoples in a post-colonial atmosphere and aspire to social transformation. 2. Factor of approach of peoples Before we go on with our analysis, we would like to previously outline two introductory notes about some sides of the universality associated to their sacred texts. In the first place, as we have emphasized, the Bible though seen as a book is in fact a library. Written by several authors, it shows the cruelty and the softness, the certainty and the doubt, the personality insecurity and even the better or worse refined linguistic capacities of dozens of authors. In this sense, we have to admit that it carries about different geographical, social, cultural, historical, linguistic, political and religious contexts. In terms of the vernacular used along its pages, it varies among the Hebrew, the Aramaic and the popular Greek (Koiné) with some more erudite traces. From the Book history we can’t dissociate the Latin as a biblical language which, among others, was modelled through translation. Translated nowadays into 2551 of the 7105 languages spoken in the whole world, the text isn’t only the mediation instrument between God and the human being. Besides being the faith pattern applied to personal or collective life, the cultural multiplicity of its composition and the versatility in its preservation and dissemination make it the Book of the peoples par excellence. In the second place the adoption of the sacred texts by different religious expressions is a trait of the universality of its contents. In the vast and tangled universe that makes it up, the Bible contains: 1) the sacred text for Palestinian Jews (Torá, Neviim, Ketubin) which is coincident with the Protestant Old Testament; 2) the canon of the alexandrine Jewish diaspora (Septuaginta) is also approximately the Catholic and Ordodox Old Testament; and 3) the New Testament the authority of which about the canon of its 27 books is unanimously recognized by all Christians. At last we must refer that some of its texts together with passages from the Old Testament were also a source to Koran, the sacred text of Islamic faith. By the way we must remember the importance of the biblical narration of “Exile” and


The Bible between Prosperous and Caliban || Simão Daniel Fonseca

“Return to the Promised Land” in the musical inspiration and spirituality of American slaves, as well as more recently the Rastafari movement in Jamaica. 3. Africa in the Bible and the Bible in Africa Having laid the theoretical foundation to discuss the place of the Bible and having shown the multiculturalism and the entirety contained in the texts we will state some references to Africa in the biblical narration. In the same way, mainly considering the huge language diversity, we will try to point out briefly some signs of the Scriptures in the African continent. Once this is confirmed, we can say that Africa is in the Bible in the same way as the Bible is in Africa. When we look for signs of Africa in the sacred text, we find over 600 references to Egypt, among other allusions to Ethiopia (Psalm 68) and Libya (Daniel 11). From Moses, the prince of Egypt (Exodus 2) to Joseph, their prime minister (Genesis 41), from the visit of the Queen of Sheba to King Solomon (II Chronicles 9) to the famous escape to Egypt by the sacred family (Mathew 2), from the Ethiopian Ebed-Melek who saved the prophet Jeremiah’s life (38) to the anonymous Ethiopian, paradigm of the reader of the Sacred Writings (Acts 8), we discover narrations with main characters who set Africa in the centre of the biblical world history. Referring to the presence of the Book in African soil we must point out that the process of biblical translation started in Africa. As they no longer spoke the language of their ancestors, the first integral translation of the Hebrew Scriptures aimed at serving the vast and prosperous Jewish community in Alexandria diaspora. From the necessary translation of the texts into Greek came Septuaginta or Version of the Seventy, considered as one of the most important translations of the Christians’ Old Testament. Despite the commercial trade and the communication that always existed among the peoples of the different African regions – even considering the language barrier represented by the desert – there is no clear evidence that the biblical text came to the Sub-Saharan Africa before the 15th century. The oldest translations are found precisely in Catechisms taken mainly by the Portuguese navigators. The first publication known in Bantu language is a Catechism in Kikongo Despiteque which had probably been printed in Lisbon in about 1548. Other Catechisms followed in this and in other languages (some in bilingual editions, including Portuguese or Latin) along the 15th and the 16th centuries. However, only from early 19th century onwards can we find the proliferation of the biblical translations. Published in 1883 for the first time, the translation of the Bible into the Zulu language is a result of this productive stage. Even if the 19th century was a flourishing period for the Bible translation into African languages, the last 50 years have presented more expressive results. Besides the quantity of new translations, the technological resources allowed millions of new readers and listeners to read and listen to the Bible not only in their own language but also in a language that enables an easy understanding of the text. Although Africa is the continent which presents the highest linguistic diversity and despite all difficulties the Bible is already translated into 748 languages (over 1/3 of the spoken languages), which makes it the second with the biggest number of available translations. In many of these cases, the first book written in the considered languages was the Bible and the Bible remained as the only literary work for a long time. Despite the high level of illiteracy that still prevails in Africa the reach of the Bible is quite similar to the one in Europe. If we add the hundreds of thousands of people who are reached in Africa by the biblical message through audio and video support we would come to the conclusion that Africans know the Bible better than Europeans today. On the one hand, in the theological scope, and taking account to the possibility of God revealing


The Bible between Prosperous and Caliban || Simão Daniel Fonseca

Himself in the native languages, we can see social implications in what concerns the feelings of freedom, increase in value, redemption and integral transformation of the human being. On the other hand, we must consider the measure in which the anthropological work made along the two last centuries by the translators in far away places in Africa and the role of the translations have contributed to the linguistic and even literary maturation of many African languages. We must look at the historic reality without epic fascination, however, to avoid the danger of overlooking the decolonization of thought. Although the scope and finality don’t allow us a higher development, we don’t want to ignore the atrocities committed in the name of the Bible. If we attend the criticism that the missionary processes made the colonists land owners and the colonized people the Bible bearers, we can’t ignore the dedicated work performed by many missionaries who gave their life for Africa and for the African peoples. Those people contributed for the literacy of the peoples and, with the literacy they brought them hope, enlightenment and education. In this sense, we avoid looking at the place the Bible can have in the present post-colonial African reality in a patronizing and neocolonialist nostalgic way. Overcoming today’s difficulties in several levels (political, social, economic or cultural), the text dissemination is fundamentally made by local churches with the support of publishing houses or national biblical societies. This vitality is also translated in the preparation and sending of African missionaries whose contribution in the reChristianization of Europe is the aim of particular analysis. 4. Instrument of increase of value of the peoples We will finish this reflection with two concrete examples of how the Bible can contribute to give a dignified status to people and the peoples. As an example, let’s look at education. The investigation performed by Teresa Cruz e Silva (1998) about the action of the Swiss Mission (Presbyterian) in the South of Mozambique from the 1880s onwards deals with the way the pioneer work in teaching, particularly using the African languages, immediately started a conflict with the colonial authorities. In this case, the biblical translations were the instrument. Although with different objectives and starting from another context, Benedict Schubert (2000) also underlines the contribute of both the Catholic and the Protestant missions in the education and formation of Angolan national leaders. In the health area, among other possibilities, we want to stress the trans-national work in the scope of the project The Good Samaritan. Starting from the help principle recognized in the famous parable by Jesus, church organizations from Norway, Sweden, Finland among others, together with the Biblical Societies of their countries, originated a programme of support to people infected by AIDS, from the beginning of this century. Encouraging hundreds of formation actions every year for the prevention of AIDS in Africa, this work reaches over 50 countries in the mainland and thousands of families a year. 5. Final considerations: In this communication, we proposed to bring forward a concept basis to re-imagine the “place” of the Bible in the challenge of Lusophony. As a central thought, we started by the vision that it can have a place between Prosperous and Caliban. When we placed it in the border zone, we discussed the possibility of it contributing for the decolonization of thought. In this sense, we tried to stress the mediation role the Bible can play, due to its multicultural nature and universal vocation. In concrete, we pointed out the role of the biblical translation in the affirmation of the languages in the African


The Bible between Prosperous and Caliban || Simão Daniel Fonseca

space as an instrument of enhancing the peoples’ value and we also admitted the influence the text has had in the social development of education and health. Before the signs here mapped out, we leave for later reflection two observations we find pertinent. In the first place, and counting on its pioneer character and massive dissemination, what role did the Bible have in the affirmation of the Portuguese language in the Portuguese speaking space? In the second place, by contrast, in what measure may the proliferation and reach of the Bible in Africa, mainly in the 20th century, and the consequent literacy level attained by the peoples through this medium have contributed to the ensuing wave of independence of the African nations?

Bibliographic References Aliança Global Wycllif (2013). Resolução Visão 2025 [Url: vision2025/tabid/98/language/pt-BR/ Default.aspx, accessed in 29/10/2013] Araújo, J. (1999). Perfil do leitor colonial. Salvador: UFBA, Ilhéus: UESC Araújo, A. (s/d) História da Alfabetização: Reflexões sobre as contribuições da Companhia de Jesus [Url:, accessed in 29/11/2013] Benedict, S. (2000). A Guerra e as Igrejas. Angola: ZAR 70. Black, M. & Smalley, W. (ed.) (1974). “On Language, culture and a Religion” in Honor of Eugene A. Nide. Monton: The Hagne. Castells, M. (1996/2007 [2nd edition]). O Poder da Identidade, Vol.2. Lisboa: Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian. Featherstone, M. (1997). “Culturas Globais e Culturas Locais” in Fortuna, Carlos (organizador), Cidade, Cultura e Globalização. Oeiras: Celta. Guichard, F. (1993). “Madère, pôle de diffusion du protestantisme dans le monde lusophone” in Missionação Portuguesa e Encontros de Culturas. Atas do Congresso Internacional de história, Vol. IV. Braga: Universidade Católica Portuguesa, pp. 157-171. Hall, S. (2003). “A questão multicultural” in Da diáspora: Identidades e Mediações culturais. Belo Horizonte: Editora da UFMG & Brasília: Representação da UNESCO. Hannerz, U. (1997). Fluxos, Fronteiras, híbridos: Palavras­chave da antropologia transnacional, nr.1, Vol.3. Rio Janeiro: Mana. Lourenço, E. (2004). “«Lá fora» e «Cá dentro» ou o fim da obsessão” in Destroços: O Gibão de Mestre Gil e outros ensaios. Lisboa: Gradiva. Nascimento, A. (1998). A Marginalidade Social e Politica do Protestantismo em S. Tomé e Príncipe. Paris: Lusotopie, pp. 307-315. Nascimento, E. (2005). Educar, curar, salvar. O projeto civilizador presbiteriano para o hinterland brasileiro. São Paulo: Pontifícia Universidade de São Paulo.


Abstract: This article analyzes the novel O vendedor de passados, by the Angolan writer José Eduardo Agualusa, under the concept prism of “minor literature,” developed by Deleuze and Guattari. We show that elements such as the political and social statute and the “ deterritorialization,” which were pointed out by Deleuze and Guattari as characteristics of a “minor literature,” are present in this work. Adopting the perspective of deterritorialization and reterritorialization Agualusa’s text shows us a history of Angola, shows to the world the violence to which the country was victimized in its independence process from the two ways of reterritorialization. The first of them is characterized by the loss of the melodramatic, activist and documental tone so common to the literatures which inform against totalitarian regimes. Agualusa will tell us in a well humorous form all the violence imposed to the Angolan people. The second allows us to see the memory not as recovering the past, but rather as an invention and prospect to the future. Agualusa strips off all the violent charge of Angolan past and proposes that the Angolans do not linger on it, yet create a less violent future.

The political and social statute and the deterritorialization of memory in colonial Angola in O vendedor de passados, by José Eduardo Agualusa Luiz Henrique Barbosa1 Universidade FUMEC Brazil

Keywords: O vendedor de passados, Agualusa, memory, deterritorialization. Our memory feeds itself, at large, from what the others remember about us. We tend to remember it as being ours the others’ remembrances - including the fictional ones. José Eduardo Agualusa 1. Approximating Kafka and Agualusa. When reading about Kafka’s work, Deleuze and Guattari will see it as an expression of a “minor literature”. The concept of minor literature is not associated here with a literature of lower quality if compared to other literatures, neither to the one written in a minor language. For the authors, it would relate to a literature “which a minority writes in a major language”. (DELEUZE; GUATTARI, 1977, p.25). Being forced to write in German, Kafka will distance himself from a primitive territory - the Czech language -, adopting a language that is at the same time official and artificial, distant from his culture. However, this official language will suffer a “reterritorialization” process coming from a minority, who will adopt the official language in a rather peculiar way, resulting, at times, at “mistakes” in its structure. Wagenbach, in the beautiful pages in which he analyses the


1 PhD in Portuguese-language Literature from Pontifical Catholic University of Minas Gerais (PUC-MG). Master in Brazilian Literature from Federal University of Minas Gerais (UFMG). Professor at the Journalism, Publicity and Propaganda, and Pedagogy courses at Universidade FUMEC. E-mail: [email protected]

The political and social statute and the deterritoriali-zation of memory in colonial Angola in O vendedor de passados, by José Eduardo Agualusa || Luiz Henrique Barbosa

German in Prague influenced by Czech, cites as characteristic the incorrect use of prepositions; abusive pronominal use; the usage of passe-partout verbs [...] the multiplication and succession of adverbs; the usage of painful connotations; the importance of stress mark as interior tension in a word, and the distribution of consonants and vowels as internal disgovernance. Wagenbach insists on the following: all these traces of poor language are found in Kafka, but being taken in their creator’s use [...] at the service of a flexibility, of a new intensity. (DELEUZE, GUATTARI, 1997, p. 36)

By using Prague’s German, Kafka will alter the official German language, giving it a new face, since it will assimilate the characteristics of the German language spoken by the Czech. As Wagenbach showed us, the Czech language influence on the German language used by Kafka will be responsible for the linguistic creativity in his texts. The second characteristic of minor literature, according to Deleuze and Guattari, is its political statute. If in the “major literature” individual chaos is valued, serving the social environment only as a background for them, in the minor literature individual chaos is intimately connected to politics. Individual chaos becomes necessary, indispensable, increasing the microscope, in that another story stirs in it. It is in this sense that the family triangle connects with other triangles, commercial, economic, bureaucratic, legal, from which the value of the first in determined. When Kafka indicates, among the finalities of a minor literature “the depuration of conflict which oppose parents and offspring, and the possibility of discussing it”, it does not concern an oedipal fantasy, but a political program. (DELEUZE, GUATTARI, 1977, p.26)

In Kafka, the reflections made from the individual experiences lived by the characters will transform themselves in political reflections, such as the lack of autonomy of the individual towards the bureaucracy and power concentration in the State. As the last minor literature characteristic, the authors will point out the collective value. Such literature will refuse to be the voice of an individual to acquire “collective assemblages of enunciation”. Kafka will soon renounce the narrator principal, as well as he will refuse, despite his admiration towards Goethe, an author or master literature. Josephine, the rat, will renounce the individual army of her chant to merge in the collective communication of “innumerable crow of heroes of (her) people”. Going from the individual animal to the pack or the collective multiplicity: seven musician dogs. (DELEUZE, GUATTARI, 1977, p.28)

The minor literature will speak in the name of the collective. Kafka will tell us: “Literature has less to do with literary history than to the people”. (KAFKA apud DELEUZE, GUATTARI, 1977, p.27). Even when Kafka builds a story focusing on a character, he is using the collective assemblage. He does not tell us a specific story of an individual person, but one of a social person. “The letter K does not represent more than one narrator nor a character, but an assemblage much more machinic, an agent much more collective as far as an individual finds himself branched in his solitude”. (DELEUZE, GUATTARI, 1977, p.28). These characteristics point out by Deleuze and Guattari in Kafka’s work can be also found in the work of great African writers. As Kafka, many of them had to abandon their own language to adopt the colonizers’ language. The collective assemblage and the political statute are also present in their works, which depict the violence of which a desolated people were victimized by a strong colonizing process and a seemingly endless civil war. To prove our point of view of having African literature under the prism of the concept of a “minor literature”, we will analyze the novel O vendedor de passados, by Angolan writer José Eduardo Agualusa. We will try to show that elements as the political and social statute and the


The political and social statute and the deterritoriali-zation of memory in colonial Angola in O vendedor de passados, by José Eduardo Agualusa || Luiz Henrique Barbosa

“deterritorialization”, which were pointed out by Deleuze and Guattari as the elements of a minor literature, are found in this novel. 1.1. The political and social statute in O vendedor de passados The plot in O vendedor de passados is set in Luanda, the capital of Angola, country that has a recent past of violent conflicts. Félix Ventura, one of the characters in the novel, works as a seller of fake pasts to the emerging Angolan bourgeoisie. An important element in the narrative spins around a foreign photojournalist who takes images of the great misfortunes in the world and wishes to forget his past. To do so, he orders Félix Ventura a new identity: I wanted more than a teaching past, a numerous family, uncles and aunts, cousins, nephews and nieces, grandmothers and grandfathers, including two or three bessanganas, although all of them already dead, naturally, or living in exile, I wanted more than pictures and stories. I needed a new name, and additional documents, authentic, which testified this new identity. (AGUALUSA, 2004, p. 18)

It is only at the end of the novel that the reader finds out that this foreigner is victim of a defender of a socialist regime in Angola, created in October, 1975, by the People’s Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) and which had as its main characteristic a single party. In May, 1977, a group of MPLA’s dissidents triggered a coup d’état which was violently repressed. It is at this historical moment that Agualusa is worth. The foreigner in the narrative, participant of the coup, was handed in - together with his wife who was about to go into labor - to the Police by the Portuguese diplomacy. His wife, a few days before giving birth to a girl, is tortured and ends up dying. The foreigner goes to exile in Portugal and later working as a photojournalist in various countries. After some time, he comes back to Angola to settle things with his torturer. This is the alleged reason for his identity change: It came to me as anger, a wild grudge against those people, against Edmundo. I wanted to kill him. I thought if I killed him I could look at my daughter. By killing him I might reborn. I returned to Luanda without knowing a lot what to do. I was afraid to be recognized. At the hotel, at a bar table, I found our friend Félix Ventura’s business card. “Give your children a better past.” Very good paper. Very well print. It was then that I had the idea to hire him. With another identity it would be easier to circle around town without being suspicious. (AGUALUSA, 2004, p. 192)

This foreigner’s fictional story who was born in Portugal but lives in Angola will make us remember the bloody Angolan history. After suffering a violent colonization process, Angola manages to become independent from Portugal in 1975. However, its independence did not mean the beginning of peace. The three main groups1 who fought together against the Portuguese colonialism started fighting each other for the country’s control. Angola deepens itself into a violent civil war, which only ended in 2001.2 1.2. The deterritorialization and reterritorialization processed practiced by O vendedor de passados As previously said, Deleuze and Guattari will use the terms deterritorialization and reterritorialization when explaining the incorporation process of an official language and the later 1 People’s Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), National Liberation Front of Angola (FNLA), and National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA). 2 Information taken from: Accessed on: 08/11/2013.


The political and social statute and the deterritoriali-zation of memory in colonial Angola in O vendedor de passados, by José Eduardo Agualusa || Luiz Henrique Barbosa

interference in it by the minority who adopts it. Would that be the Angolan case in reference to Portugal’s language? We examine. Angola is a country which characterizes itself by a variety of ethnic groups and their respective languages. Among them: Choucué, Quicongo, Quimbundo, Gangela, Cunhama, and Umbundo. Umbundo and Quimbundo were traditionally the languages with a greater number of speakers. Yet, with the country’s independence in 1975, and the widespread of the civil war which followed, there was an expansion of the Portuguese language in the country, which served as a unifying element for the diverse ethnic groups.3 Although there has been Angolan literary works written in Umbundo and Quimbundo, the majority adopted Portuguese. This was also Agualusa’s choice. Yet, differently from what we find in Kafka’s work, which incorporates a diction of German spoken by the Czech, giving it a creative content, in Agualusa the official language used does not suffer substantial changes from minor languages. The reterritorialization practiced by the author is not in the language, but rather in the theme dealt in his novel: the memory. We cannot speak about Agualusa’s novel without also talking about the past and memory. The title itself proves to us that the past is a fundamental element in the narrative. However, the title causes us, the readers, a great surprise. It is more common for us to associate a memory narrative to a strategy to capture “the vivid and bring it in a relatively intact manner to the narrative present.” (CASTELLO BRANCO, 1994, p. 23) If this is our most common vision about memory, it is not the only one. Lúcia Castello Branco problematizes this memory vision that, according to her, is related to the impossible. What was lived will never be able to be recovered in its integrality. We can only get to it through some fragments provided by language. Two important elements would be present in the remembering process of the past: the future instance and its recreation by language. Thus, whereas one of the gestures implies a retroaction, a movement in the direction of what already is not, another gesture, simultaneous and subliminally, as a silent and invisible work, is there. This, inevitably, walks towards the direction of what already is not, to a future instance that, however, is in the present at the moment that it is built: the verbal representation, the language. (CASTELO BRANCO, 1994, p. 24)

When we address the past, we are, in a way, recreating it, since what was lived will always be known through something it is not: the words. We are here in the representation level, of a narrative which intends to address our previous experiences, but which, by being a representation, will never be able to capture all the complexity of those experiences. Agualusa’s novel will deal with this impossibility of recovering what was lived through words. It will show the proximity of memory with the work of invention: “I like to hear. Félix talks about his childhood as if he had really lived it.” (p. 94) We see in this passage that what the Félix Ventura character does is a narrative about his lived experiences, which is always different from what he really lived. This way, he is recreating his own past. The realization of the fictional character present in all the memory account will be taken to the extreme in Agualusa’s novel. The past stops presenting fictional elements, since we are recreating it through language, to be pure fiction. It is what happens in the passage in which a Minister whose past shames him - since he was more interested in rock bands and women than fighting for Angola’s independence - decides to write his memories building himself a new history, reinventing a past: In the early seventies the Minister was a young post office employee in Luanda. He played the drums in a rock band, The Unnamable. He was more interested in women than politics. This is the truth, or before, 3

Taken from: Accessed on: 08/11/2013.


The political and social statute and the deterritoriali-zation of memory in colonial Angola in O vendedor de passados, by José Eduardo Agualusa || Luiz Henrique Barbosa

the prosaic truth. In the book, the Minister reveals that by then he was already dedicated to the political life, fighting in clandestinity, quite in clandestinity even the Portuguese colonialism. (AGUALUSA, 2004, p.140)

Agualusa will erase the limits between fiction and History, will add to the vision already crystallized in History as the register of true facts to its vision as fiction. Thus, a fictional narrative such as the Minister’s might be seen as true facts. As soon as The true life of a fighter is published, Angola’s history will gain consistency, it will be more History. The book will serve as a reference for future works dealing the fight for national freedom, the troubled years which followed the independence, the widespread movement for democracy in the country. (AGUALUSA, 2004, p. 140)

By showing the fictional presence in the account which wishes to be true facts, Agualusa will deterritorialize Angola’s bloody History. Therewith, the account stops having the melodramatic character of narratives, which, for example, denounce the violence for which they went through in the country’s colonization process, to become a well humorous narrative. It is what we see in the passage in which a disarmer of mines is compared to a child pick loquats in his neighbor’s back yard. Conclusion Although it is considered by the author himself as a novel, it becomes complicated to put Agualusa narrative in a certain genre, the book transits between the aspects of fiction and of Angola’s historical account. There is still a discussion within the narrative itself when it comes to its genre. The last chapter is entitled Félix Ventura starts to write a diary. We could think of this work as a true account of Angola’s History. However, the author’s own vision about the memory texts keeps us from drawing this conclusion. It is the hybrid of fiction and reality that the text is engendered: The memory that I still have of him [Eulálio], incidentally, seems to me more by each and every hour as a building made of sand. The memory of a dream. Maybe I had dreamed of it entirely, of him, of José Buchmann, of Edmundo Barata dos Reis4

Adopting to the perspective the perspective of deterritorialization and reterritorialization, appointed by Deleuze and Guattari, Agualusa’s text shows us Angola’s history, it tells the world the world of violence by which the country was victimized in its independence process. However, what seems to be most striking in the novel is that the author does not take a melodramatic, militant and documental tone, as it is usually taken in literatures which denounce totalitarian regimes. Agualuza will tell us well-humorously all the violence imposed on the Angolan people. By telling us about the individual estrangement in relation to his body - “I have almost fifteen years of the soul trapped in this body and I still am not used to it. I have lived almost a century wearing the skin of a man and yet never felt myself entirely human” (p. 43) - , the author is also referring to the estrangement in the body felt by more than 120 thousand Angolans, who were mutilated by the mines scattered around the country. By allowing us to see that the memory is related to invention and to the future, Agualusa removes all the violent charge in Angola’s past and proposes that the Angolans do not linger around it, but rather create a less violent future. The author himself stated in an interview that in Angola the past is not really taken into consideration. “It is an extremely young country, where people die young. The life expectancy is of 40 years. It is a country where the past is extremely volatile.”5 4 Eulálio is the gecko who narrates the whole novel; José Buchmann is the fictional name given by Félix Ventura to the Pedro Gouveia character, victim of the tortures practiced by Edmundo Barata dos Reis. 5 AGUALUSA apud GUEKOSKI, Cris. A invenção da memória na literatura angolana do século XXI. Available at: http://caioba.


The political and social statute and the deterritoriali-zation of memory in colonial Angola in O vendedor de passados, by José Eduardo Agualusa || Luiz Henrique Barbosa

Bibliographic References Agualusa, J. (2004). O vendedor de passados. Rio de Janeiro: Gryphus. Castello Branco, L. (1994). A traição de Penélope. São Paulo: Annablume. Deleuze, J. & Guattari, F. (1977). Kafka: por uma literatura menor. Júlio Castañon Guimarães (Trad.). Rio de Janeiro: Imago. Gutkosk, C. “A invenção da memória na literatura angolana do século XXI”. [Url: http://caioba., accessed on 08/11/2013]. História de Angola. [Url:, accessed on 08/11/2013]. Accessed on 11/08/2013.


Abstract: In 1979, the Portuguese psychiatrist Antonio Lobo Antunes published his first book entitled Memória de elefante (Elephant Memory) which together with Os cus de Judas (The Land at the End of the World) (1979) and Conhecimento do inferno (Knowledge of Hell) (1980) integrated a trilogy described by the author as a “learning cycle” that demystifies in fiction the official reports of the colonial war through an autobiographical elaboration. By depicting the armed conflict in Angola, one of the Portuguese Colonies at the time, and the prevailing estrangement in the metropolis regarding African events as well as the silence among the well-situated classes, the first Antunes’ novel brings the story of a character who returns to Portugal, carried out through a painful self-reflective recollection. In this process, led by the narrator, a catharsis is constituted before the mirror by a psychiatrist who speaks of, within and by himself from the time of childhood to the present. The intensity and complexity delineating characteristics of such fictional construction anticipate and/or inaugurate a postmodern slant in the Portuguese literature.

Self-referenciality, mirror, and memory in Lobo Antunes Neiva Kampff Garcia1 UFRGS, Brazil

Keywords: Lobo Antunes. Memory. Autobiographical writing. 1. Introduction In July 1980, in an interview with the Portuguese journalist José Jorge Letria, Lobo Antunes said that “a writer, as a singer or a painter, is always the voice of anything that is latent in people” (Silva, 2008:27)1, and this reflects in part his thoughts on the relationship between writing and being read. In this same interview, the Antunes also states: “Since I was 12 or 13 years old I remember creating stories. Only when I wrote ‘Elephant Memory’ there seemed to be for the first time a personal way of saying things.” (Letria, 2008:29) 2. Our starting point herein is this “voice” that speaks about itself (I), that brings itself and at the same time exposes the other talking by itself (us). Thus, we suggest that this is the literary trajectory of Memória de elefante (Elephant Memory), the author’s debut work, published in 1979. Antunes’ “particular way of saying things” is understood as the autobiographical instance of his writing. According to his words, his first book was a “journey through myself” (Silva, 2008:27)3, which contradictorily was a sales success, as the author reports: [...] There is the whole issue of writing, many years of writing, 1 All quotations are translated by the author for the purpose of this paper only. 2 Interview first published in the newspaper O Diário, on July 27th, 1981, p. 21. 3 Interview first published in the Language, Literature and Arts section of the newspaper Diário Popular, in October 18th, 1979, pp. V-VI, IX.


1 Doctoral student of Literary Studies, more specifically Portuguese and Luso-African Literatures, in the Graduate Program of Languages and Literature at the Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil. National Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq) scholarship holder. [email protected]

Self-referenciality, mirror, and memory in Lobo Antunes || Neiva Kampff Garcia

hesitations, doubts, rewriting, many years looking for a way [...] a personal way of saying things which came up with the Elephant [...], and about which I did not make the least effort to publication. This happened due to my friends, they loved the book and fought hard for it and then the book was published. And then I was amazed with the success of the book, I did not expect, an unknown book, an unknown author, launched in early August, at a time when no one buys books, and really it has been a very great success, with a second edition to out later this year, without amendment, except for the typos. (Silva, 2008:3-4)4

2. Debut work by Antunes Elephant Memory is a novel with 15 non-titled chapters, where the reader follows, around the city of Lisbon, the daily life a young Portuguese psychiatrist, who separated from his wife five months before, who has two daughters, and who has lived in Angola as a doctor of the Portuguese army during colonial war. Such biographical data of the character are consistent with those of the author, and the same happens with most of what will come out of his memory during the 150 pages of the original edition. Throughout the story, we follow this character as he goes to work at the “mental hospital” (the first four chapters), together with him we roam the corridors, offices, the urgency, the wards of inpatients, we meet some of his colleagues, nurses, patients and families, we go to a “restaurant” (chapter five) to have lunch with a great friend, where we are side by side with others sharing the environment, and we go all the way to the “dentist” (chapter six), where we meet patients and a helper. We follow him on foot and by car through some streets of a current “Lisbon” and another located in the past (chapter seven), and we “hear” the opening lines of the poem “Esta gente cujo rosto” (These people whose face)5 by Sophia Andresen. In the chapter eight we go to the front of the “daughters’ school” to observe them from a distance, and we come across the first named character in the novel: Teresa, the maid, and we get to know the song “I do it for your love” by Paul Simon. Then, in the next chapter, we go to the “bar”, where, for two hours, there will be beer and a fruitless search for talking on the phone, and we will chat with goers. In the chapter ten we go to the “analyst”, where stories of patients in group therapy, of which our character participates, are revealed. Next, knowing now that it is Friday, we stay in a “car” with the lights off watching people at night in Lisbon. In the chapter twelve we go on the “highway”, the psychiatrist’s usual way back home, a journey which is stopped and resumed on the chapter fourteen. We go to the “casino” (chapter thirteen), where we hear almost hurtful remarks about officials, players, prostitutes, ladies, and gentlemen. We get to know Dory, a decrepit and lonely woman in search of survival, with whom our character will take us, in the final chapter, to her unfurnished “apartment” in the cold and luxurious solitude of Monte Estoril, and at 5 am the author-narratorcharacter says goodbye to us by telling his missing ex-wife: Tomorrow I am going to restart life from the beginning, I will be the serious and responsible adult that my mother wants and my family waits, I will come in time to the infirmary, punctual and serious, I will comb my hair to reassure patients, I will fill my vocabulary with sharp obscenities. Perhaps, my love, I will buy a tapestry as Sir Ferreira did: you can find it silly but I need something that helps me to exist. (Antunes, 2009:158)

4 Interview first published in the Language, Literature and Arts section of the newspaper Diário Popular, in October 18th, 1979, pp. I, VI-VII. 5 Poem found in the book Geografia (Geography), originally published in 1967.


Self-referenciality, mirror, and memory in Lobo Antunes || Neiva Kampff Garcia

3. Antunes’ Diegesis By the end of the book, we have spent a single regular day with the character, but we get to know his life, since together we have visited recesses of his memory, traveled along the highway, streets, alleys, avenues, squares, nooks and crannies of Lisbon, a city pregnant with meanings that only the character can perceive and express. We insist that this narrated trajectory is guided by selfreferenciality, based on the psychiatrist’s look into himself by which he presents his visible “self” and his inside out, with his analyses of profession, the war and society, anxieties, fears and inabilities, which is complemented and/or faced by time. Lobo Antunes himself tells us about this character the following: The hero of this book is a bit like all of us. As facing suffering abreast – facing loneliness – is difficult, he tries to find a whole series of subterfuges, mechanisms of escape. Through memories, being with other women, going to the casino, eating at “snack bars”, where solitude is less apparent than at the tables (there’s nothing sadder than a man eating alone at a restaurant table) a guy is supported on the left and right by people, and there are others ahead, nevertheless he fells together. (Silva, 2008:10)6

The narrator describes places, people, feelings and appearances, gives the word to the psychiatrist and watches with us his inward dipping, fills in the gaps, shows reasons, and places the calendar times. Throughout the novel there is a preciousness of details, a truth of historical facts, the constant presence of intertextuality and interdiscursivity, a metaphorical use of geographical locations, and a network of ironies that covers the main character and the socio-historical environment. Thus, as the narrative gets thicker, we enter a sort of maze together with this character, traversing his biography and contemplating his inner self-portrait. Narrator and character are overlapped, complemented and confused, and they often become unison, indistinguishable, inseparable voices. It is at the thickest moments of the narrative that these postures emerge, and the self-writing is clearly formalized, such as here: Fuck fuck fuck fuck fuck, he said to himself, because other words could not be found inside me except these, sort of feeble protest against the thick gloom that filled me. I felt very helpless and very alone and unwilling now to call for anyone because (I knew) there are crossings we must make alone, with no aid, even at the risk of sinking at one of those late nights of insomnia which turns us into Pedro and Inês in the Crypt of Alcobaça, overlying stones until the end of the world. (Antunes, 2009:123. Emphasis added)

The narrator spreads reports on events, sort of clues – while allowing the character to participate in the narration –, it corroborates dates, places and events about which it speaks; these interspersed voices lead us to biographical information about the author. It is the writer himself who confirms this writing by responding to the question about the meaning of the only one line in direct discourse of the female character who is present throughout the novel through the “look and inner memory of the author” (Silva, 2008:7). This is the passage: The psychiatrist remembered a phrase from the woman just before they separated. They were sitting on the red couch in the room, under a picture of Bartholomew that he was very fond of, while the cat sought a warm space between their hips, and she turned to him her decided big brown eyes and declared: ‘I don’t admit that with or without me you give up because I believe you and bet on you blindly. (Antunes, 2009:63)

In response, Lobo Antunes states: 6 Interview first published in the Language, Literature and Arts section of the newspaper Diário Popular, in October 18th, 1979, pp. I, VI-VII.


Self-referenciality, mirror, and memory in Lobo Antunes || Neiva Kampff Garcia

It is evident that in the book there is an autobiographical level. This sentence was said by the real woman who served as the model for the woman in the book, and it was related to the writing and the discussions we had about the writing and the constant encouragement she tried to give me to write. However, I think there are maybe two things. On the one hand, a kind of modesty that leads me to not put more things of her, because I think I don’t have this right and also because it is about a woman who is already out of place, a woman who is already internalized in the person, as part of a past that doesn’t belong to her in this narrative, but rather belongs to the person who is talking with other characters who pass by here, as the daughters here in the book. It is a memory time and therefore things are tucked inside of us, internalized as part of our heritage, almost inseparable of us and independent of us. (Silva, 2008:7. Emphasis added.)7

There is then an “I” who experiences, an “I” that seeks to understand, and an “I” that tells, confides to the reader the ills, pains and doubts of the present and basically the search for an identity in the past. Several chronological times intertwine these voices and senses intersect in multiple directions, thus constantly unsettling relations between the subject of writing and the narrated subject. While the memory support brings the truth that the character-narrator wants to capture and tell, the presentiality of emotions exposed by it hinders a broader recomposition of events, conditions and actions that it carries, which is, however, recovered by narrator intervention. We could say that there is a kind of dialectic between the narrators which provides both the image recovery within the retelling of events (creating a fact) as well as the quest to do justice to oneself in clarifying the facts (completing a fact). Therefore, the words of Georges Gusdorf (1991:12) are noteworthy: “Autobiography [...] demands that man stands within a certain distance of himself in order to replenish himself in his unity and in his identity over time”. Testimony and confession are, in Elephant Memory, an inseparable construction, because the “I” that as a sign is filled with many “selves” (others), speaks of itself as the subject of narration (vital center of time and space) and speaks as the “I” who is naked, replicated in itself. There is an ongoing relationship between the inner and outer life within the intertwining of narrators which provides a constant narrative density. This debut work by Lobo Antunes is thus a prime example of autobiographical writing, and it allows us to take the author’s biography as an Ariadne’s thread to actualize a partnership with the narrator and the character-narrator. Drawing on Philippe Lejeune’s (2008) considerations in O pacto autobiográfico (The autobiographical pact), we shall claim that there is an identity asserted within this novel on the text level between the main character, the narrator and the author, distinct elements among themselves but which work dialectically in Elephant Memory, a symbolic title to the length (duration) of memory. The reactivation of memory by the word is a possibility of duplication by a review, a remembering, a reminding of the past as a kind of “rebirth” in the present. Let us call upon Clara Rocha (1992) in Máscaras de narciso (The Masks of Narcissus) in order to situate our understanding of this Lobo Antunes’ work as a dialogue of multiple instances of an autobiographical “I”. According to Rocha: At the ontological level, the consciousness that is judged is the place par excellence of an otherness through which the individual seeks an identity. It is in this consciousness as an otherness that lays the very self-reflexive movement of the autobiographical literature. At the aesthetic level, the autobiographical hero is a recreation, a combination between a real person and an invented character, the result of a double process of self-discovery and shaping of an image. 7 Interview first published in the Language, Literature and Arts section of the newspaper Diário Popular, in October 18th, 1979, pp. I, VI-VII.


Self-referenciality, mirror, and memory in Lobo Antunes || Neiva Kampff Garcia

At the narratological level, the I who speaks is another one that keeps a spaced relationship with the self about whom it speaks [...]. (Rocha, 1992:49)

A constant concern of literature is to emphasize the difference between narrator and author. In dictionaries of literary terms and similar ones, there are proposals to distinguish between them. According to Carlos Reis and Ana Cristina Lopes (2000:39), the entry “author” has a number of meanings, and the one more relevant to the present considerations is the first to be presented, that is, that the designation of “author” involves aspects and problems beyond the literary works and the literature itself. By rule it is seen as the inspired real and empirical individual, responsible for the work with the words and careful with the technical standards and the craft standards. Added to this exposure there is the fact that the author is a material entity responsible for the narrative text and creator of a diegetic universe. In turn, the term “narrator” is less complex than “author”, understood by Reis and Lopes (2000:257) as “a fictitious entity which in the setting of fiction has the task of articulating the discourse, as the protagonist of the narrative communication.” To this definition we must add that the narrator is an invention of the author, who can use it according to a creative or ideological intention to design attitudes, thoughts, opinions that may be associated with the construction of an alter ego.8 However, the confusion between author and narrator becomes much more complex when a person (the author) writes a story about himself or, in other words, prepares a retrospective narrative about his own life, focusing the plot on his personal history. Such kind of report is named autobiography by the literary theory, and this requires the reader the autobiographical pact. Here Lejeune (1986) once more helps to situate the notion of precarious boundary between autobiography and autobiographical novel as temporal discourses and not faithful reports of facts and thoughts in a constant dialectic of truth and identity. In this regard Maria Luiza Ritzel Remédios argues the following: Considering the fragile boundary between autobiography and autobiographical novel, and noting that the latter can be regarded as a literary work, hence fictional, it is also difficult to define in confessional literature the boundaries between autobiography and diary or between autobiography and self-portrait or between autobiography and memories. (Remédios, 1997:13)

Undoubtedly a mistake that should be avoided when dealing with the autobiography is seeking a prescriptive definition, because as Elizabeth Bruss (1991:62) reminds we need to “discuss what autobiographical writing should be, not what it is.” Therefore, it is necessary to look at “the form, the immanent material properties of a text, and the functions assigned to that text.” (Bruss, 1991:62); both types of text are more conventional than natural. That is, it is only by the contact with each particular text that the reader will be able to recognize and choose the style, plot, and verify similarities and differences in relation to other writings of the author. According to Georges Gusdorf, when a man tells his story he knows that the narrated events are in the past and will not be repeated in the future. Therefore, the author of an autobiography “gives his picture a kind of relief in relation to their surroundings, an independent existence; he contemplates himself and he likes being contemplated, he is a witness of himself; and the others are seen as witnesses of how his presence is irreplaceable.” (Gusdorf, 1991:10) The same theory states that the author of an autobiography, since he is the artist and the subject concurrently, becomes a double of himself that provides a self-unveiling or self-discovery. Obviously it is necessary to tell about life including public and private aspects. However, for his legacy to be 8 Although at this point we could bring up the different classifications of narrators, as those proposed by Norman Friedman and especially by Gerard Genette, we are not going to focus on them, since our focus is not a deep study of the narrator but drawing attention to the relationships set up with the author.


Self-referenciality, mirror, and memory in Lobo Antunes || Neiva Kampff Garcia

fulfilled, he must set up a distance of himself to be seen as a whole. Due to this distance, the author can see who he was with greater clarity as well as the world around him. Also according to Gusdorf, such resumption of the past amounts to a second reading of the experience “and truer than the first one, since it is awareness: [...] Memory gives me perspective and allows me to take into account the complexities of a situation in time and space.” (Gusdorf, 1991:13) Paradoxically, the man who appears at the end of the text is found incomplete and divided, talking about someone who he was in the past and no longer is. Some considerations on the earlier works of Lobo Antunes point out to a narrative alter-ego, a catharsis of the effects of the colonial war, a stylistically renewed post-April writing, and so on. So we can think of the man, from the standpoint of Gusdorf, as an emotional being, with his difficulties and his ghosts, a social being confronted with the senseless death and suffering of war, and as a psychiatrist disillusioned with the profession, seeking a new identity, signed by a writing form which is free of armor. 4. Conclusion Elephant Memory, the debut work of the writer Lobo Antunes, an author representative of what Carlos Reis calls “fictional trends of clear postmodernist slant” (Reis, 2004:34), is undoubtedly the fruition of a writing of the self, in which the “we” fills the senses of the narrative, and where the “I” assumes the self. In this sense, the interview by Rodrigues da Silva may be resumed as follows: [...] character/author [Lobo Antunes] who, from one day to another, left the “hollow tunnel” of anonymity to the heart of an indefinite collectivity which I call all of us. Thanks to a book [Elephant Memory] and not to his death, or perhaps to it (who knows how many deaths fit in a man’s life?). Thanks to a book. One hundred and fifty pages of a “love story between despair and resignation”, a journey to the end of the night of selfishness and fear of loneliness, the painful journey of difficult learning to “live and be a man.” It is “all of us” that somehow is there too. Just where the trait is dimmed in us, there is pronounced; where the fluid exists in us, there lies the rigor; where the nod is found in us, there the gesture is totally drawn. Where in us we put ourselves in safe, there shamelessly and boldly someone is exposed. But because even when dimmed, flowed, with a routine of nods, it is always full of trait, strict, firm and authentic in the gesture of our desire; this “Elephant Memory” came unexpectedly and suddenly […] in the inner memory “all of us”. (Silva, 2008:2)

Thus, we believe in a construction of a rite of passage through the word of a man who followed the paths indicated by multiple others outside him, and who recovers in the present the search of himself, that is, the psychiatrist before the mirror begins to see the writer who in turn begins to see himself. Perhaps this is what Lobo Antunes himself designates as “the turn of the octopus inside out”, “the turn inside out of a sock”, expressions meaning ultimately his own (re)birth, his “inward turning” (Silva, 2008:20).


Self-referenciality, mirror, and memory in Lobo Antunes || Neiva Kampff Garcia

Bibliographic References Antunes, A. (2009). Memória de elefante. Rio de Janeiro: Objetiva. Bruss, E. (1991). “Actos literários” in Anthropos, nr. 29, pp. 29-78. Gusdorf, G. (1991). “Condiciones y limites de la autobiografia” in Anthropos. 29, p. 9-18. Lejeune, P. (2008). O pacto autobiográfico. Jovita Maria Gerheim Noronha & Maria Inês Coimbra Guedes (trans.). Belo Horizonte: UFMG. _____. (1986). Moi aussi. Paris: Seuil. Letria, J. (2008). “Um escritor é sempre a voz do que está latente nas pessoas” in Ana Paula Arnaut. (Org). Entrevistas com António Lobo Antunes. Coimbra: Almedina, pp. 29-35. Remédios, M. (1997). “Literatura confessional: espaço autobiográfico” in _____. (Org.). Literatura confessional: autobiografia e ficcionalidade. Porto Alegre: Mercado Aberto, pp. 9-15. Reis, C. (2004). “A ficção portuguesa entre a Revolução e o fim do século” in Scripta, , nr. 15, v.8, 2ºsem. Belo Horizonte, pp. 15-45. _____. & Lopes, A. (2000). Dicionário de narratologia. Coimbra: Almedina. Rocha, C. (1992). Máscaras de Narciso: estudos sobre a literatura autobiográfica em Portugal. Coimbra: Almedina. Silva, R. (2008). “António Lobo Antunes sobre a Memória de Elefante” in Ana Paula, Arnaut (Org). Entrevistas com António Lobo Antunes. Coimbra: Almedina, pp. 1-13. _____. (2008) “António Lobo Antunes (“Memória de Elefante”) citando Blaise Cendrars: ‘Todos os livros do mundo não valem uma noite de amor’” in Ana Paula, Arnaut (Org). Entrevistas com António Lobo Antunes. Coimbra: Almedina, pp. 15-28.


Abstract: Verbs of movement reflect our identity’s common denominator, such as to leave, to exit, to emigrate, to seek, to go in search. So much has been said of our situatedly Portuguese modernity that, in order to be great, we must wander outside our own dreams. We returned from our colonial and colonising saga with our mind and imagination already filled with imaginary baggage, of other centres, other ‘discoveries’ to be narrated. The Portuguese postcoloniality, although very anchored in the rhetoric of imperial nostalgia, restores, in a watchful gaze, these new movements and identity ‘pilgrimages’. This paper seeks to develop a critical reading of the novel by Dulce Maria Cardoso, O Retorno (The Return), to critically reflect on the prefix ‘post’ in our recently conquered postcoloniality. It also seeks to incorporate a reflection on Portugal’s place in the historic encounter with modernity and the centrality that resulted from ‘docking’ with Europe, denouncing the ambivalence and the exotopy with which the country represents and defines itself. At stake are the identity meanings produced in a context of sudden political and cultural transitions, which reveal a historical ballast comprising imperial imaginations and the lessening of the country within Europe and on the road of modernity. Between the return of imaginary empires and the illusions of new routes to old centres, the country renews its eternal cycle of returns and departures, symbolically digesting its losses in a process of identity autophagy. Keywords: Returns; Identities; Imagination; Europe; Postcoloniality. 1. Escape, Escape, Escape Partha Chatterjee, albeit in reference to the Indian colonial experience (1997), evokes the pillars of the contemporary history of colonialism in his essay “Our Modernity” by noting that: “let us remind ourselves that there was a time that modernity was put forward as the strongest argument in favour of the continued colonial subjection” (Chatterjee, 1997:19). It would be fallacious to fall into the naive temptation of believing that various modernities and colonialities are over. This observation is proposed as a challenge to consider “O Retorno” (The Return) by Dulce Maria Cardoso (2011) as a fictional essay that discusses not only the historical, political and cultural modernities/colonialities, but in a very unique and prolific manner the coexistence of several other modernities/colonialities, which are imaginary and subjective. In this latest novel by Dulce Maria Cardoso there is a clear desire to embrace the difficult experiences of many ‘returnees’ in this OtherPortugal that is decolonising, through the lives of a Portuguese


Returns and departures: the exotopic imagination of post-colonial Portugal Rita Ribeiro1 & Sheila Khan2 Instituto de Ciências Sociais, Universidade do Minho, Portugal 1 Rita Ribeiro has a PhD in Sociology and is Assistant Professor in the Department of Sociology, of the Institute of Social Sciences, University of Minho. She is a researcher at the Centro de Estudos de Comunicação e Sociedade (Communication and Society Research Centre). She conducts research in the area of sociology of culture and, in particular, in the field of collective identities. In recent years she has published several works on this subject, the most notable of which is A Europa na Identidade Nacional (2011, Afrontamento) and the following book chapters: “Narratives of redemption: memory and identity in Europe” in R. Cabecinhas, L. Abbey (eds.), Narratives and Social Memory (2013, Communication and Society Research Centre), “A Europa em Portugal: uma cartografia das distâncias” in M. F. Amante, Identidade Nacional: Entre o discurso e a prática (2011, Fronteira do Caos). E-mail: [email protected]

2 Sheila Khan, who has a PhD in Ethnic and Cultural Studies from the University of Warwick, is a researcher at the Centro de Investigação em Ciências Sociais (Centre for Research in Social Sciences), University of Minho. She has developed her research in the field of postcolonial studies of the Portuguese speaking language, and her research interests include the following topics: narrative, identity, colonial and post-colonial memory, epistemologies of the South, the relationship between society and literature in African literatures in Portuguese. She is the author of several publications, the most recent of which are: Khan, Sheila (with) Hilary Owen (Manchester University), Ana Margarida Dias Martins (Cambridge University) and Carmen Ramos Villar (Sheffield University), co-editing of the thematic number “The Lusotropical Tempest: Postcolonial Debates in Portuguese”. Lusophone Studies, Bristol University, 2012; Leite, Ana Mafalda, Khan, Sheila, Falconi, Jessica, Krakowska, Kamila (orgs.) (2012), Nação e Narrativa Pós-Colonial II-Angola e Moçambique: Entrevistas. Lisbon: Colibri. E-mail: sheilakhan31©

Returns and departures: the exotopic imagination of post-colonial Portugal || Rita Ribeiro & Sheila Khan

family that has long been rooted in Luanda; the main character, a teenager named Rui, uses the space and time of his memory and the memory of those who accompany him throughout this experience of exile and uprooting to narrate the pain and hurt caused by leaving his land of affections, of identity origin, the basis of his own ontology, with his mother and sister. Upon arriving in Portugal, this Other-Portugal but of metropole, Rui, along with his family and other ‘returnee’ families, is faced with a grim and macabre scenario of this Portugal-metropole. It is up to the autodiegetic narrator to deconstruct, on the one hand, the greatness and grandeur of an imaginary map that transforms the nation into a territorial force that crossed seas, land and the actual imagination of those who believed, then, that Portugal was not a ‘small country’. And, on the other hand, to reveal in a raw and critical way the aporia of the prefix ‘post’ in Portuguese postcoloniality and postcolonialism. If the narrative of “O Retorno” serves as a drive to rescue from the Portuguese historical oblivion the experiences and difficulties of integration, assimilation and social acceptance that many who the former empire crudely nicknamed ‘returnees’ (retornados) went through – “those here call us spilled (entornados) to make fun of us, they were spilled here, they must think they’re funny”* (Cardoso, 2011:128); it also serves as a lucid and attentive X-ray of the historical and mnemonic voids (see Calafate, 2012; Khan, 2012) that the Portuguese postcolonialism cultivated as an attempt to sublimate and postpone the pain of colonial loss, that sea of ​​wreckages and human versions of a failed modernity, a reflection of a labile colonial centre defeated by its own boundless imagery, without a vision of the future, and without the historical ability and efficiency to incorporate into its contemporaneity the subjective stories/histories (Khan, 2011), which are no less relevant than History, whether about the Portuguese colonisation and colonialism, or the process of decolonisation and the postcolonial turn towards the European universe. A metonymy of a nation shrouded in its own mythical fog of adventures and discoveries, Rui cannot escape the chronic disease of this nation- ship, which is conducted if not outside itself, in territorial or even imaginary travels. With great fictional agility, Dulce Maria Cardoso confronts us with the challenge of, through Rui, thinking of this Portugal of post-coloniality, a challenge that is written in Rui’s desire to ‘escape’, ‘leave’, ‘exit’ (Buescu, 2008) the ‘prison’ he feels he is in, and vividly channels his thoughts to South Africa and Brazil: I understand that father did not want to go to America, it must be hard to make a living in America without knowing English, but I do not understand that he did not want to go to Brazil, which is similar to Angola, Mr. Fernando wrote a letter from Rio de Janeiro and said it was just like Luanda, with warm sea water and rain that makes you want to dance, a blessed land like Angola was, a land that allows everything that is sown in it to grow. João Comunista also went to Brazil but never sent any news, I hope he is well and no longer ashamed of the empire or of being Portuguese, it must be annoying to be embarrassed to live with something you cannot change* (Cardoso, 2011: 243-244).

It is by feeding this imagination, that drive and aspiration visible in both Rui – “when we’re in Brazil my sister will like to straighten her curls again and make herself look pretty for parties, to read graphic novels, in Brazil it isn’t cold and there is fruit like we had there [refers to Angola, Luanda], my sister can eat the pitangas she wants”* (Ibidem, 2011:150) – and in the nation that is recycled in its new imaginations, that new regenerating spaces are erected like new oxygen of a nation-vessel that initiates its pendulum, ambiguous and almost obtuse voyage, as it turns to its lost Africa, and then turns and imagines itself as a new and modern European country. Rightly, the Mozambican writer Mia Couto in one of his novels, also about the journey and the travels of men, nations and cultures, candidly warns us about the following: The journey does not begin when distances are travelled, but when we cross our inner borders. The


Returns and departures: the exotopic imagination of post-colonial Portugal || Rita Ribeiro & Sheila Khan

journey happens when we wake up outside the body, away from the last place where we could have a home* (Couto, 2006:77).

2. Docking like one who leaves It was not just a chronological coincidence or a political inevitability that determined the change of direction in Portugal’s historic journey of the late 20th century. If decolonisation, that fizzling end of the empire, with bags packed hastily and sluggish goodbyes, and the desire to merge with Europe coincided, it would have been because both symmetrical sides of the identity imagination of a country historically oriented outwards. It is true that the empire, with the many names from which it was purged, was an archaism and a political and economic impossibility. It is also true that the Portuguese were submissive to, if not convinced about, a war to defend territories that were little more than exotic to them, and that ideologically carved a grandiose and singular self -definition. It was therefore difficult to disengage and understand the tethers of the remains of a five-century empire and, above all, it was hard to know what to make of it. How could Portugal be seen as a postcolonial country if the very notion of colonialism had metamorphosed in the last decades of Salazar’s and Caetano’s dictatorship? How to return from the ruins of war and the land that had been civilised with minimal damage, i.e. without pain and without guilt? We venture to say that the answer is a dual process of reorganising the identity of the country that served to defend itself from the chaos: the silence and the exotopy. “O Retorno”, by Dulce Maria Cardoso, among a few other works that in recent decades have revisited the war and decolonisation, highlights precisely the silencing these experiences were subjected to by underlining the insurmountable boundaries between those who lived them and those who did not want to know they were being lived by the ‘others’, the ‘returnees’. But beyond the specifically more subjective level of this process, it is worth noting the collective amnesia that drew a cloak of forgetfulness and indifference over these processes. Eduardo Lourenço is accurate and clairvoyant in this way he exposes that paroxysmal moment of the country’s recent history, where several crises converge and, yet, the weight of the empire unexpectedly dissipates: Thirteen years of colonial war, abrupt collapse of that Empire, seemed to be events destined not only to create a deep trauma – analogous to the loss of independence – but an in-depth rethinking of the whole of our image to ourselves and in the mirror of the world. However, we all witnessed this surprising spectacle: neither one thing nor the other took place. (...) Such a spectacular event as the collapse of a fivehundred year ‘empire’, whose ‘possession’ seemed co-essential to our historical reality and moreover a part of our corporal, ethical and metaphysical image as Portuguese, ended without drama* (Lourenço, 1988: 42-43).

Considering the ironic serenity with which the colonial issue was laid to rest, as if it were a history file and it were possible to put it away in a box, without flesh, without voices, without mess, Eduardo Lourenço speaks of a “realistic adjustment of Portugal to itself”* (1988: 44) , where “everything seemed to pass as if we never had this notorious ‘imperial’ existence and the return to the narrow and dusky walls of the ‘small Lusitanian house’ in no way affected us”* (1988 : 38). To put it differently, we did not lose the empire, we forgot the empire. An empire that was always more imagined than concrete in the national identity configuration, “this empire that is not marked on maps”* (Silva, 1988: 90) and that remained distant and ex-centric to all those who had no experience of it. The empire that was imagined was much more the idea of portugals scattered throughout the world, lusotopia as ecumene, of which João Pina-Cabral talks (2010). When reality dissolved this imaginary empire there


Returns and departures: the exotopic imagination of post-colonial Portugal || Rita Ribeiro & Sheila Khan

was little, therefore, to preserve. Except all those who, because they are not imaginary, but people of flesh and soul, seemed to be the remains that did not know what physical or symbolic place they belonged to, and who were, for the spell of forgetfulness not to be broken, gently assimilated, that is to say, their disparate narratives destined to silence, to oblivion and invisibility. The second process that accompanies the moment of decolonisation and rotation towards Europe is the exotopic nature embedded in national identity. By this we mean the tendency to be outside the space-time one actually belongs to and, consequently, to decentre identifications and ambitions. The place where one is, essentially, the mirror of the place one desires and one believes to belong to. In her analysis of the structuring elements of national identity in Portuguese literature, Isabel Allegro Magalhães (1995: 192) shows how exotopy is a deep imprint of how the country thinks of itself as outside itself – “a constant sense of being on a threshold, the feeling of never getting where you want, of never achieving what you desire, of never getting there: the experience of missing out, or falling short, of that truly desire”*. In fact, the author mentions that post-1974 literature almost does not have, as in previous decades and centuries, characters that travel or seek beyond the doors of the country the craved novelty or an attractive otherness. (...) Even though there are a considerable number of novels with characters who travel, most of their journeys are now their homecoming, their return to the motherland: journeys of emigrants arriving from European countries, of soldiers coming from former colonies, of exiles returning from abroad, of returnees disembarking from Africa. They come back in search of their land: Portugal. But these arrivals, apparently the end of the completed circle of a trip, or its happy ending, result in an arrival at nowhere, or at the same and emptied place from which they set off. (...) There are many novels in which the Portuguese reality after ‘74 is described and narrated in their precarious hopes, and especially in their frustrations and rapid disappointments, without any nationalistic emotion. A reality traversed by empty or violent relationships, by ambiguous commitments, by a total lack of perspective* (Magalhães, 1995: 195-196).

How can the exotopic inclination of national thinking help to understand the anesthetised overcoming of the trauma of the loss of empire? Because leaving continues to be the solution, even when one considers returning. When the 1974 revolution definitively closes the imperial chapter of the Portuguese history, the moment of return to the continental perimeter from where we had left five centuries is now, too, a moment of ex-centricity. Symbolically, it was not possible to stay. Without answers from the Atlantic side, it came without surprises or anxieties that the national oracle of destiny turned towards the continent. In reality, this was an artery of departure and escape already opened by the haemorrhage of emigration. Europe comes to us, therefore, as a new narrative of dockage, in so far as “European integration represented the holy bath of a country newly reborn”* (Ribeiro, 2011b: 123). For this reason, Miguel Real states (1998: 96) after Eduardo Lourenço, that Europe was for Portugal the “Great Normaliser, giving us the simultaneous image of our smallness as a country incorporated into it, but also of our greatness for being part of it”*. After centuries of remoteness in relation to the European political and economic space, the country sought its modernity in the united Europe that stood for development and prosperity. Europe thus became the new “imagination of the centre”. According to Boaventura Sousa Santos (1994: 58), since the end of the colonial empire, “Portugal entered a period of renegotiation of its position in the world system, seeking for itself a base to fill the void left by the collapse of the empire. (...) to be with Europe is to be like Europe”*. Moreover, the decentralisation that imperial expansion implied was not solved by joining what was then the European Community, which became another decentralisaton, as explains eloquently by Boaventura Sousa Santos (1994: 136)


Returns and departures: the exotopic imagination of post-colonial Portugal || Rita Ribeiro & Sheila Khan

But interestingly the creation of the national cultural space is contradictory, because it occurs in the same process in which Portugal becomes a region, an area of Europe. Within less than twenty years, the transnationality of colonial space was transferred to intra-European transnationality (...). The historical difficulty in coherently configuring an intermediate cultural spatio-temporality is hereby confirmed.*

Nevertheless, the decentralisation in favour of a new realignment, with Europe, was still undertaken with the same ambiguities with which the atlantic, imperial vocation was reflexively incorporated into the corpus of national identity. The identification with Europe as a historical place for Portugal toils in misconceptions and in the fragility of a pragmatic, instrumental and commercial link with Europe, as an opportunity for affirmation and modernisation. With regard to a sense of unity and identity with the European historical, social and cultural space, we can say that we are in Europe, but Europe is not in us, in the sense that it is consistently seen as a scenario, the little more than circumstantial outside of the Portuguese historical experience. In summary, the Portuguese remain in an ambivalent relationship with their historical and cultural place, between insularization and expansion, between normalising modernity and imperial singularism. Unable to escape from departures and returns, Portugal materialised them as the topos of its self-definition: Portugal is where the language is and where the Portuguese “in the wide world could create their vegetable patch and their garden” (Lourenço: 1994: 22). The duplicity – which often is, strictly speaking, duality – of the national way of being seems to become a vertigo that accompanies national reflexivity and its ideological constructions of national identity: between the imperial vocation, that mission mythically described as spiritual, and the refuge in the idea of appendix, a delayed but aspiring appendix, of Europe* (Ribeiro, 2011a: 93).

*Our own translations.

Bibliographic References Buescu, H. (2008). Emendar a morte. Pactos em literatura. Porto: Campo das Letras. Cardoso, M. (2011 [1st edition]). O Retorno. Lisboa: Tinta-da-China. Chatterjee, P. (1997). Our Modernity. Rotterdam/Dakar: published by the South-South Exchange Programme for Research on the History of Development (SEPHIS) and the Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa (CODESRIA). Couto, M. (2006). O Outro Pé da Sereia. Lisboa: Editorial Caminho. Khan, S. (2012). “O imaginário do império-navio e o inefável namoro Brasil/Angola”, in Simone Caputo (edição). Via Atlântica, nr. 22, pp. 127-138. _____. (2011). “O ‘Sul’ mesmo aqui ao lado: Cartografias identitárias abissais do pós-colonialismo português” in Ana Brandão e Emília Rodrigues (eds.), Intersecções Identitárias. Famalicão: Editora Húmus, pp. 49-64. Lourenço, E. (1994). Nós e a Europa ou as Duas Razões. Lisboa: Imprensa Nacional-Casa da Moeda. _____. (1988). O Labirinto da Saudade. Psicanálise Mítica do Destino Português. Lisboa: Publicações Dom Quixote.


Returns and departures: the exotopic imagination of post-colonial Portugal || Rita Ribeiro & Sheila Khan

Magalhães, I. (1995). “Aquém e além. Espaços estruturantes da identidade portuguesa” in O Sexo dos Textos. Lisboa: Editorial Caminho. Pina-Cabral, J. (2010). “Lusotopia como ecumene” in Revista Brasileira de Ciências Sociais, nr. 74, vol. 25. Real, M. (1998). Portugal. Ser e Representação. Lisboa: Difel. Ribeiro, M. (2012). “O Fim da História de Regressos e o Retorno a África: Leituras da Literatura Contemporânea Portuguesa” in Elena Brugioni, Joana Passos, Andreia Sarabando e Marie-Manuelle Silva, Itinerâncias. Percursos e Representações da Pós-colonialidade. Famalicão: Editora Húmus, pp. 89-99. Ribeiro, R. (2011a). “A Europa em Portugal: uma cartografia das distâncias” in Maria de Fátima Amante, Identidade Nacional: Entre o discurso e a prática. Porto: Fronteira do Caos. _____. (2011b). A Europa na Identidade Nacional. Porto: Edições Afrontamento. Santos, B. (1994). Pela Mão de Alice. O Social e o Político na Pós-Modernidade. Porto: Edições Afrontamento. Silva, A. (1988). Um Fernando Pessoa. Lisboa: Guimarães Editores.



The decolonisation of imaginaries in literature

Abstract: This paper turns to analysis of the novel “The Castle of Crossed Destinies” by Italo Calvino, from the standpoint of Umberto Eco’s approach in “Six walks through the woods of fiction.” About esoteric Tarot de Marseille at the table and on the mystique that permeates the cards in the deck that spread the “castle”, hangs the subjectivity of the novelist / poet with his imaginative repertoire , disseminated by the various stories, each comprising multiple interpretations even in light of the model reader of Eco about the imagination that permeates the literary work of Calvin in the light of Eco drive a permeate for Cultural Studies constituting come look at recent history to sitting upon the ballast of contemporaneity. And for better look at this work of Calvin with the artwork, I realize the presence of the ideas initiated by the Cultural Studies. To do so, use me Hall, Bauman and Canclini, among others / the scholars / the both of Literature fiction, as Cultural Studies. Keywords: Narrative Fiction, Cultural Studies, Contemporary Imaginary.

The Italo Calvino’s narrative tarot in “The castle of crossed destinations” and the Eco’s “Groves”: a look permeated by Cultural Studies Maria Fatima Menegazzo Nicodem1 & Teresa Kazuko Teruya2 UTFPR / UEM, Brazil

1. Introduction When deciding the writing of “The Castle of Crossed Destinies” Calvin makes it clear that the idea of using the tarot as a narrative machine combinatorial Paolo Fabbri came to him that an “International Seminar on the structure of the story”, in July 1968 in Urbino, presented a paper on “the Tale of fortune telling and language of emblems”. Calvin says to justify his own work to the analysis of narrative functions of divination cards had been the subject of an initial study in the writings of MI Lekomceva and B.Uspenky (Russian, dedicated to semiotic studies). Calvin begins by Tarots of Marseille, looking to put the cards in order to present themselves as successive scenes of a pictographic story. When the cards placed randomly gave you a story which recognized a sense, went down to write it, accumulating a vast material, and much of “The Castle of Crossed Destinies” was written at this stage. What do you do in this essay is to examine this work of pictographic and silent narrative of Calvin in the light of Eco “Six walks through the woods of fiction”. In this work, ECO (1994 , p.7), “to enter the woods”, Calvin on contingency that evokes “a traveler If on a winter night” to collate the presence of the reader in the story. In “The Castle of Crossed Destinies”, here transformed into an object of analysis, looking for the presence of the reader, a model reader, in an attempt to transpose this test, unassuming, the same studied and expounded by Eco (1994) trajectory in “Six walks ...” to “If a traveler ...” . The purpose of semiotics taroniana


1 Doutora em Educação pela Universidade Estadual de Maringá e Professora da Universidade Tecnológica do Paraná, Brasil. Email: [email protected] 2 Pós-Doutora em Educação pela Universidade de Brasília e Professora do Curso de Pós-Graduação Stricto Sensu em Educação da Universidade Estadual de Maringá, Brasil. Email: [email protected] com

The Italo Calvino’s narrative tarot in “The castle of crossed destinations” and the Eco’s “Groves”: a look permeated by Cultural Studies || Maria Fatima Menegazzo Nicodem & Teresa Kazuko Teruya

mystical , exemplarily carried to term in the narratives of Calvin in his “Castle of Crossed Destinies”, to undertake the cohesive fabric that hooks up to each other, it can be assumed up to this set of writings, a reader who enters history by becoming observant, critical and active reader, since the latter pair feature and making strategic use of it, or engages you soak up the text, agreeable to it, from their experiences world and the things of your expectations as a reader and his consciousness view of space and time, for the construction of new meanings, new interactions and new experiences that could well alter history. But it is a “change” imaginative, the point at which its possible interference could cause supposedly new paths and new outcomes for each of the six stories drawn by tarot Calvin at the Castle, without, however, transcend the limits of the model reader proposed by Eco. 2. Calvin and Eco let themselves pervade for Cultural Studies Calvin, the purpose of its activities with the ethos of the characters that created throughout his works, launches in the picturesque medieval, castelescas and intriguing adventures aimed at young adults, especially public. Experience a conviviality with comparable only to the production of Cervantes (example of “Don Quixote”) fiction. Proposes, in most of his works, an actual urbanity in middle age. With an eye on this aspect can be checked as Calvin scaled a route involved in unveiling its internal motion. Their lexical choices and your writing in general, going and coming acts in the form of displacements toward the establishment of the themes that make his works. In “The Castle of Crossed Destinations” this movement of displacement, through tarot cards, is very evident, as it attempts to show this work of analysis. The common thread is the fragile balance between subjectivity and objectivity of social relations between inside and outside the castle, among humans from those inside and outside the medieval enclosure destinations. It must, however resume the master word in this section 2: shift/s. It is precisely this action of Calvin we see how appropriate is the permeate of Cultural Studies over the actions of fiction. At this time occurs which Bauman (2012 , p.11 ) calls “the culture of society as self.” Putting yourself in tune with the prevailing sociological view decades ago, for it was configured in the culture aspect of social reality, or rather , one of many “social facts” that should be properly seized, described and represented. But how to do this analysis, an appropriate way on the novel of Calvin? We seek to elucidate this way, understanding the perception of speech as a social construction that has people/characters as participants in the processes of construction of meaning in society. Moita Lopes (2002) considers that this movement includes the possibility of allowing resistance positions in relation to hegemonic discourses, that is, power is not taken as monolithic and social identities are not fixed. Ensures him that in a society where inequality is so blatant, that focus on promoting social transformation through language education seems essential. The narratives can be a useful type of discourse organization accordingly due to the purpose they serve in the unfolding social drama, showing the characters acting in discursive practices and building the world around them. “Thus, the narrative can be used as spaces where identities are constructed in discursive battles of every day.” (MOITA LOPES , 2002 p.55- 56) . Behold, to establish human relationships to deslocatórias typically shares the Marseille tarot cards, Calvin in his narrative advocates egregious inequalities in society and offers of fictional narrative to expose the marginal discursive practices, as emphasized by Cultural Studies. Let us return to the displacement, this time also resuming Bauman (2012 ) concerning the concept of culture. According to him, if remit - to “social facts” that form the puzzle of human relations, establishing a kind of paradox, especially from the standpoint of deconstruction of culture. Originally, in the second half of the eighteenth century, the idea of culture was coined to distinguish the human


The Italo Calvino’s narrative tarot in “The castle of crossed destinations” and the Eco’s “Groves”: a look permeated by Cultural Studies || Maria Fatima Menegazzo Nicodem & Teresa Kazuko Teruya

relations of “hard” facts of nature. Traditionally meant what human beings can do, “nature”, what we must obey. However, the general trend of social thought during the nineteenth century, culminating with Émile Durkheim and the concept of “social facts” was “naturalize” culture. (BAUMAN, 2012, p.11- 12) In this respect, cultural facts can be human products, however, once made, shall confront their ancient authors with all the uncompromising and indomitable obstinacy of nature - and the efforts of social thinkers concentrated on the task of showing that this is so and to explain how and why they are so. This is evident in the narrative construction of Calvin in “The Castle of Crossed Destinies” and that , too, clearly we can put the light on the analysis of Eco “Six walks through the woods of fiction.” In this novel of Calvin, what cultural studies helped to understand is that the media participates in the formation, in the constitution of things that reflect. There is a world out there “out there” that exists free of the discourses of representation. What is “out there” is partly constituted by the way it is represented. In light of this idea, Hall (2005) is positioned stating that these narratives function much as says in Claude Lévi - Strauss, how myths work. Myths are representing in narrative form the resolution of things that can not be resolved in real life. What is tell us about the “dream life” of a culture. But to get privileged access to the dream life of a culture, we need to know how to deconstruct the complex ways in which the narrative permeates all real life. For completeness, says that when we look at any of these popular narratives that construct constantly in the imagination of a society, the place, the identities, the experience and the stories of different people who live in it, we become instantly aware of the complex nature of racism itself. “It is clear that one aspect of racism is certainly that it occupies a Manichean world of opposites: us and them, primitive and civilized , light and dark , a black and white symbolic universe.” (HALL 2005, p.21 ) The effectiveness of these movements is related to the constant organizing and reorganizing the narrative. Such movements are endowed with intense resonance when extending transcend traditional forms of expression of the word. 3. “The Castle of Crossed Destinies” pervaded by “Six walks through the woods of fiction” As in “If a traveler ...” devised by Calvin wanderings in the woods, “The Castle of Crossed Destinies” is also located in the woods, intersected by attendance and scenarios paradoxical and contradictory: “In the midst of a dense forest, one castle gave refuge to many a night were surprised traveling: . knights and ladies , royal processions and simple wanderers” (CALVIN, 1991, p.11-12) it is this paradoxical scenario that visitors, guests and diners in the hall of the castle, engage in the six stories in which Calvin appointing a traveler narrator, drawing the reader in an abrupt and effective to sit at the table to “hear” the silent, imagery and figurative narration of each of the characters so that they dare to express their lives, using the mask to unravel mystique taroniana their lives. And are “six” stories in Castle Grove Calvin as “six” are the walks through the woods of fiction Eco. And it’s Eco (1994) which now gives us part of lighting their “forests”, because in the silence of the protagonists of each story, they are more often than if they were to echo their voices in loud and clear. It is here that fits perfectly assertion Eco (1994, p.10). “Sometimes, when you try to talk too much, an author can become funnier than his characters” But Calvin did not talk too much, nor allows his characters: what is more evident is the voice of silence each protagonists, a mime , to put up the letter he chooses to narrate his adventures, misadventures, travails and misadventures. The narrator is the same for all the stories, is positioned to realize the deathly silence of the guests at the table: “Determined to break through what he thought was a numbness of the tongue after the


The Italo Calvino’s narrative tarot in “The castle of crossed destinations” and the Eco’s “Groves”: a look permeated by Cultural Studies || Maria Fatima Menegazzo Nicodem & Teresa Kazuko Teruya

fatigues of the journey, I tried to vent to me in a euphoric exclamations such as: [...] good winds bring us” (CALVIN, 1991, p.13) And when you try to break the silence, the almost magical silent stories begin with the first narrative: “History of the ungrateful punished” with the protagonist taking a packet of letters from one of castellans was lying on the table. It is a Knight of Hearts, whose printed figure, a pink and blond young man in pose Magi, suggests a similarity with the boy who pulled the letter confirming that he would be the protagonist of the narrative. It is a narrative, and silent, assumes a unique speed and on this characteristic of Calvin in his works, Eco (1994, p.9), thus pronounced, from its ties with Calvin himself: “This apology the speed is not to deny the pleasures of delay.” and how, according to Eco (1994 , p.7 ) “... a story there is always a reader, and that reader is a key ingredient not only the process of telling a story, as well as the story itself, the speed or quickness undertaken in interaction with the narrative, depend on the attitude and the individual characteristics of the reader”. 3.1 Narrative of Calvin, the EC’s and the Analysis by Eco On this path made by the reader on the narrative that turns you on a journey, Eco (1994, p.9) reasoneth: “For now, I just want to say that any fictional narrative is necessary and inevitably fast because when construct a world that includes a variety of events and characters, can not say everything about this world.” Returning to the stories of Calvin at the point where the “ungrateful punished”, represented by the first guest protagonist Castle, concludes three other letters to compose the following his adventure in the woods: Comes the King of Diamonds, which situates a condition of affluence, inclination to luxury and lavishness, as represented by the son of the king of the Arcane Monarch, the expression of the narrator, always silent, it is mournful, meaning that the King had died. The next card, the Ten of Pentacles, suggests that the young prince, now the Castle dinner, had inherited all the wealth of the monarch. By the end, the third letter in this sequence, makes us understand, for a Nine of Clubs, the young son penetrates up by vegetation and wild flowers and leaves your traveling spirit makes him lose, entrenched in the woods. At this point, the reader recommended by Eco, would pause, looking to bet on who succeeds after these episodes from the life of the protagonist: “In a narrative text, the reader is forced to choose every time. In fact, this obligation exists even choose the level of the individual sentence - at least when it contains a transitive verb” (ECO, 1994, p.12). And the catch phrase in the case of Calvin in this first history of the Castle, is in the title itself engendered: “... the ungrateful punished.” Let us pause for a bit at this point, in light of Canclini (2011 ) analyze the effect of urban movements Castle. The city shares provided by fortune-telling narrative is not presented in a vertical movement of diffusion, but becomes amplified in expression of local authorities, complement fragments. Collective identity are increasingly less in the city and its history , recent or distant , its constituent stage. “The information about the social shenanigans are received at home, commented with family or friends nearby.” (CANCLINI, 2011, p. 288-89) The “urban culture” is restructured to give the role of public space to electronic technologies. In “The Castle of Crossed Destinies” these technologies not yet arrived, but the movements of the Tarot of Marseilles for futuristic initiates actions that may rather promote the emergence of electronic paraphernalia towards the present day. Urban life constantly transgresses the order between present, past and future. Therefore, we see Calvin in a certain prophetic narrative movement. We could say that the narrative proposal of Calvin in the light of Echo and permeated by Sarlo (2005 ), desecrates the traditional structure and offers futuristic wings to imagination writing. As if this presents? The setting is medieval, but the intentions of the participants of the game are like those present in the


The Italo Calvino’s narrative tarot in “The castle of crossed destinations” and the Eco’s “Groves”: a look permeated by Cultural Studies || Maria Fatima Menegazzo Nicodem & Teresa Kazuko Teruya

contemporary social games: lurking, decision and action. The purpose of his approach “the triviality of beauty”, Sarlo (2005) we can understand that the writer’s imagination works as a foundation for awakening the reader. The preparation of text whose charm lies in the constant flow of the narrative, constructed from a simple model and the hegemony of the sentimental theme, involves organizing effort put into primacy. Calvin in the novel that exposes analyze stories that flow effectively under the empire of feelings: their privileged space is flirting with a fashion writing that transcends age, its golden age, the youth , as it advocates a game (the tarot of Marseilles), his ideal of happiness is articulated around love and desire, and its source of conflict, the position between the order of desires and social or moral order. You can use to analyze Calvino (Italy), the proposed analysis Sarlo (2005) uses to Borges (Argentina). In response to the need for fantasy, these stories were particularly successful. (SARLO, 2005, p.220-21). Thus, it would be necessary to take these texts seriously and not as mere support of dreams and evasions. Take them from the hell of bad literature than to discover improbable values, but to explain through his system procedures, its articulation of simple plots, the reasons (ideological or literary) of their success. But let us return to “The Castle of Crossed Destinies”: The Voice (silent) the narrator pursues a significant gesture, removing the Strength card, announcing them an unpleasant encounter, since the symbolism of the image (an armed madman) hints at their bad intentions due to brutal expression. And the letter of the Hanged confirms the sad predictions, darkly interfering in the features of the narrator, this time , already made known to the other guests and the reader, who is himself the victim that the bandit had robbed in all its belongings. At this stage, we can further analyze together for what Eco (1994, p.14) defines as model reader of a story, which is not the empirical reader . “The empirical reader is you, me, all of us, when we read a text.” Model reader, then, is a kind of ideal type text not only provides as a contributor, but still seeks to create. The empirical reader is one who can “read” the work the wrong way, committing, including misconceptions. Eco (1994) says that what happened to her friend, is that he had searched the woods one thing that was in its private memory. When walking through the woods, you can very well use every experience and every discovery to learn more about life, about the past and future. And walking through the woods of the narrative like we were in our own private garden, let us return to Calvin, his narrator and his protagonist, in the first story: behold, an Ace of Cups is present, presenting guests to the Castle a source that flowed between mosses flowering, rustling wings and gorgolhar water from a spring... a man lying on the floor quenches thirst. Calvin does his narrator pass the symbolism of the source: “... there are sources that [...] so if you drink them yet cause more thirst rather than placate her.” (CALVIN, 1991, p.19 ) What is observed in the sequence is paused, now there is a real silence into silent narrative, making the reader understand (which defines how Eco model), a second part of the story was about to begin, because the knight was gone, leaving the daughter of the woods right there where she had rendered him aid and where they had loved. The narrator goes on to have other cards in a new row (a new phase in your life?). Lands two cards on the table: The Empress and the Eight of Cups. The rise is disconcerting change of scenery. The solution takes not impose itself: the knight had found what you were looking - a wife and opulent high lineage. It is the letter of Cups suggesting a wedding feast, in a festive setting with a towel festooned table for grooms. This phase in the history of Calvin asks again fitting the model reader Eco (1994, p.16), which initiates: “It is, therefore, observe the rules of the game, and the model reader is someone who is eager to play.” However, to break this possible ambiguity in Calvin, the narrator established by that deprives another tarot card of the stories of the guests and, behold, it presents the Knight of Swords, or in the


The Italo Calvino’s narrative tarot in “The castle of crossed destinations” and the Eco’s “Groves”: a look permeated by Cultural Studies || Maria Fatima Menegazzo Nicodem & Teresa Kazuko Teruya

interpretation of the model reader, an unforeseen. A surprise in the form of messenger on horseback had broken through the party, bringing disturbing news. And wielding guns and jumping out the saddle. Everyone expected another letter, more explanatory, and the sun came The painter had depicted the star of the day in the hands of a child running or even flying, over a vast and varied landscape. And the child soon becomes literal: a half-naked child had been seen running in the vicinity of the castle where the nuptials were celebrated, and that little was to follow that the husband had left the banquet table. At this point, it is again possible to glimpse the Eco model reader, for whom he “spoke of model readers not only in relation to texts that are open to multiple points of view, but also those who provide a very obedient reader.” (ECO, 1994 p.23). Eco goes on saying that there is a model reader up to train schedules and, of each type of model reader, the text expects a different kind cooperation. To complete the setting, Eco quotes Joyce for whom “an ideal reader is one stricken with an ideal insomnia”, however returns, “we must also pay attention to the instructions contained in the train schedules.” Returning to Calvin, with his first protagonist, the model reader, mindful of the instructions, the details and own this type of tag reader, will witness the withdrawal of the letter of Justice, which passes the understanding that it is time the actually built by his attitudes; life, abandonment, hurt, son (with the metaphor of “sun hands” - the image of taroniana letter. The diners were questioning faces. And behold, the letter of Justice: transpires a woman with sword and scales, a warrior on horseback (or an Amazon ?) In the background, dressed in armor, ready for the attack. The child does reach the mother, the peasant idyll of old, transformed into soldiers, Lioness, Amazon arranged to ransom. Asks what she wants him and she replies: justice!. At the same time, he discovers that the little that followed until the forest was his son, born of that one idyll. Two of Swords is one that makes the reader aware that there will be a clash between the rider and the rider. It was time to face justice (balance). Defend yourself! Advises her brandishing the sword that rustles the leaves, and now he lies amid the meadow, bloodied. Eco (1994, p.35 ), would look for this story to date, saying that one of the fundamental mechanisms of Calvin (as Sylvie), based on a continuous alternation between flashbacks and flashwards (as opposed to flashbacks - fact future inserted into the chronological structure of the work). This is because Calvin, at the Castle, with its first lead (and others too), allows the narrator to analyze the past which interferes with your gift, while using the Tarot refers to the future, a constant exercise prediction during the work. When we learned of a story that refers to a narrative time (the time in which the narrated events occur, which can be two hours ago or a thousand years ago), the narrator (in the first or third person) and characters can to refer to something that happened before the facts narrated. “Or they may allude to something that at the time of these events, was yet to occur and was expected. As Gérard Genette says, a flashback seems to notice an oversight of the author, while a flashforward narrative is a manifestation of impatience.” (ECO, 1994, p.36). This considered, the analysis of possible reader, We are headed to the outcome of the first story - predictable, it would tell - the protagonist removes the packet from the letter Pope - represented in the narrative by a monastic figure who prostrates on the body of knight in agony, to explain to you that the young person in the past, offended the goddess Cybele and therefore you will not be granted clemency. Thus, the final letter - an Eight of Spades - the reader aware that the rider will be shattered by Cybele. Eco Calvin would say, using the narrator, described past to justify the present facts outcome. However, if we consider Eco (1994, p.48), the protagonist of this story is Calvin, through tarot cards reconstructing posthumous (because it was trashed ... ). To conclude this essay, it is clear that, in light tasting Calvin Eco, is sharp precision that is acquired, especially considering Eco (1994), that in every work of fiction, the text Bleeping suspenseful, almost


The Italo Calvino’s narrative tarot in “The castle of crossed destinations” and the Eco’s “Groves”: a look permeated by Cultural Studies || Maria Fatima Menegazzo Nicodem & Teresa Kazuko Teruya

as if the speech became slower, or even stopped, as if the author suggested: “now you try to keep ...” And the narrative Grove Calvin, in his fiction , it is possible to palpitate another grove, one of Eco metanarrativo and conceptual. In this assay, undertook the journey on one of the stories, because the others are built following the same methodology, stealing us to repeat the analysis, since the story varies, but the wording remains. Here, where the narrator’s voice is silent, the author wants us to spend the rest of my life wondering what happened, and afraid that we have not yet succumbed to the desire to know what ever will be revealed, the author - not the voice the narrator - adds a final note to explain the meaning of the Marseille Tarot cards. And the cards, if you will, may continue to be removed from the stack at the Castle of Calvin in the light of the walks through the woods of Eco. 4. Final Thoughts The narrator is nothing more than an inventor. To the West, as Sarlo (2005), the inventor is a social type. Find it transcends ages can give an idea of the cultural force of transmodernização and, above all, their myths, implanted at a time providing intense attention to all that is marginal. Calvin, in “The Castle of Crossed Destinies” is an inventor who seeks the same time, several things that are not directly related to scientific activity: unlike the researcher ignored for their time, the inventor wants recognition, fame and live their fictional production comfortably. These are the desires that accompany technological invention, but do not generalize to narrative fiction production, there is a link not only with the practical world but with economic success and social mobility. There are two powerful places for further consideration in future work: the level of language and literary structure. For this work, the relationship ativemo us the narrative of Calvin, with the formation of reader - Eco model, all permeated by Cultural Studies.

Bibliographic References Bauman, Z. (2012). Essays on the concept of culture. (C. A. Medeiros, Tra.). Rio de Janeiro: Zahar. _____. (2007). Net times. (C. A. Medeiros, Tra.). Rio de Janeiro: Zahar. Calvino, Í. (1991). The castle of crossed destinies. (I. Barroso, Tra.). São Paulo: Cia das Letras. Cancilini, N. G. (2011). Hybrid cultures. (H. P. Cintrão & A. R. Lessa, Tra.). São Paulo: EDUSP. Eco, U. (1994). Six walks in the fictional woods. (H. Feist, Tra.). São Paulo: Companhia das Letras. Hall, S. (2005). “Race, Culture and Communications: looking back and forth of Cultural Studies” (H. Hughes, Tra.): Journal of Postgraduates of History Studies Program, August/December, volume 31. Campinas, SP: Editora da UNICAMP. Lopes, L. (2002). Fragmented identities: the discursive construction of race, gender and sexuality in the classroom. Campinas, SP: Mercado de Letras. Sarlo, B. (2005). Imaginary Landscapes: Intellectuals, art and media. (R. P. Goldoni & S. Molina, Tra.). São Paulo: EDUSP.


Abstract: This work has as a purpose to reflect about the ways through which the works of Mozambican writer Mia Couto undermines any notions or concepts of gender stability. The notion that gender is an unstable and transient quality of the subject underlies many of his narratives, giving the impression that the psyche of individuals is subject to change in the many stages of life, or even to conform to social and environmental rules. Such condition can either refer to what Freud postulates as a “casual inversion”, a kind of “temporary homosexual affection” or as new stand on the western paradigm, a way to question the rules imposed to men and women by the patriarchal speech. Keywords: Mia Couto; gender; feminism; post-colonialism

The implosion of the concepts of gender in the works of Mia Couto Márcio Matiassi Cantarin1 UTFPR, Brazil

1. Introduction The works of the Mozambican Mia Couto are full of opportunities to analyze the representations of gender. When it comes to the sexual behavior or identities of individuals, his writings tend to deconstruct the images that the patriarchal speech has stated as the norm. As such, with a cast of characters out of the “standard of normality”, the author seems to want to sensitize readers to the need of reorganizing the pattern of interpersonal relationships which in turn will result in a reorganization of the relations of power in the patriarchal society. That’s how the reader ends up with men that cry, men that are satisfied with “being on the bottom” of a sexual relationship, and men that become actual friends with women or allow themselves to “infantilize” with them or their own children. There are even the ones that after a long struggle with the “irrationality of women”, give in, abandoned, to the pleas of the unconscious, to the point where they identify mentally and physically with women, returning to the primordial mythical androgyny. In these circumstances what gets the spotlight is the presence of homosexual characters or those with characteristics which are deemed homosexual by the patriarchal society, such as transvestism. With all the persistence with which these characters with “deviant behaviors” appear in the pages of the Coutian books, they shape into an army, which deals a restless battle with the intent to build a society where we can look at each other as different, but not as inferior in the face of that difference. 1.1. Transvestism: the essay of the me in the other or “to get rid of the old man and wear the new” It’s not without irony that the biblical image attributed to


1 PhD in Languages and Literature. Associate Professor in Technological Federal University of Paraná - Curitiba/Brazil. Teaches Literary Theory and Literatures in English. Investigates ideological analysis in postcolonial encounters, feminist criticism and ecocriticism. E-mail: [email protected]

The implosion of the concepts of gender in the works of Mia Couto || Márcio Matiassi Cantarin

Saint Paul was used as the title that will discourse over the symbolism of the transvestism as a way to destabilize the dichotomies of gender and sex in the Coutian works. Long before the letters written by the apostle Paul, which definitely established misogyny in the Christian religion, in the book of Deuteronomy, which with the other four makes up the Pentateuch, the part of the Bible known as “The Law” (Torah), there was already a law that clearly stated: “A woman must not wear men’s clothing, nor a man wear women’s clothing, for the Lord your God detests anyone who does this” (Deuteronomy 22:5). Thus, “wearing clothes of the opposite sex is understood as a violation of divine and natural laws” (Macedo & Amaral, 2005: 188), at least in the most common western religions. Paradoxically, the priest will face that prerogative when wearing the cassock, which would make one neither male nor female. The Coutian works are littered with priests, as well as male and female transvestites, in a clear attempt to question/deconstruct the law of the Father. Two narratives that present female transvestism and two narratives that present male transvestism were chosen for analysis. At least one of those presents with further detail the theme of homosexuality (male). However, in all of them it is quite difficult to separate, at least to the common sense, the act of transvestism with “signs of homosexuality”. In other words, although originally transvestism was a mostly heterosexual phenomenon, it is rare to find, today, those who accept the idea that an individual who wears clothes of the opposite sex is not gay (Rothwell, 2004: 143). Anyway, by giving emphasis to the theme in question, Couto seems to intently start a discussion that doesn’t necessarily needs to reach a conclusion. It’s not necessary to establish strict boundaries to know, methodically and scientifically, what is a transvestite or his/her choice as homo or heterosexual. If to Couto “every man is a race”, then from his writings it can be inferred that “every man is a gender”. To Rothwel, Mia Couto adheres to Rothblatt’s idea that there are as many “sexes” as there are inhabitants in the world “and individualizes the genders of many of his characters, in a series of process that undermines the very concept of a category” (Rothwell, 2004: 135). It’s in this line of work that the reader is introduced to Florival, which even with his name reveals something about his burly physical looks, and like another character, Zé Paulão, both who are transvestites that are/were in love with women. In another moment the reader can find an openly homosexual that falls in love for a woman (although the woman is at first dressed in men’s clothes). And the reverse also happens: up until the moment, Rosaldo (notice the name1); will end up investing in a relationship with one of his daughters’ suitors. But firstly, focus on the cross-dressing question in each short story: The narrator in “High Hills Shoes” (Couto, 1996: 79-82) tells of an anecdote that occurred in his childhood, spent in a poor neighborhood where nothing unusual ever happened. The only character of notice was Zé Paulão, a Portuguese longshoreman, “a coarse man (...). But affable in manners and refinements” (Couto, 1996: 79). He was a lonely man – a real waste of a good man, according to the women in the neighborhood. His wife ran away from home and was never seen again, without anyone ever knowing her reasons. Nonetheless, the narrator’s family knew a secret: from their home only, one was able to see Paulão’s backyard where ““woman’s clothes drying in the sun” (Couto, 1996: 80), and at nights, one could hear feminine footsteps on the house next door, exposed by the noise of high heels. As no one would ever see a woman there, the narrator, in his teenage dreams, would fantasize about her, thinking her the most beautiful of them all. At a random night, the boy was playing, and he jumped over to the neighbor’s porch. Immediately after, a light turned on inside the house and the loud footsteps of high heels could be heard. The boy decided to take a peek and saw, with her back turned to him, “the one who was the motif of my desires” 1

Rosaldo resembles Rosie. Translator’ Note


The implosion of the concepts of gender in the works of Mia Couto || Márcio Matiassi Cantarin

(Couto, 1996: 81). When the woman turned over, the secret was out: it was Paulão cross-dressing. Later, at home, the boy stayed at his room crying and told his mom, who went to supply him with solace, “the decease of a certain girl” (Couto, 1996: 81) that he loved. The mother, “in suspicious that only mothers are capable of” (Couto, 1996: 82) promised that the boy would move to another room, so that he would never hear the tapping of the shoes again. This is surely the story that demands more cleverness in order to obtain an interpretation that is in line with the feminist proposition. Here we have something relatively rare in Coutian writings: a homodiegetic narrator that establishes a rather traditional plot, with beginning, middle and ending, with emphasis on the enunciation and with no participation of the magical/fantastic. The most of its innovation is contained in the style of the author’s language. The diegesis invites – through its swiftness and easiness – to a superficial reading, which certainly isn’t desirable, being that in the case of this short story, such reading leads to a comical, laughable finality, derived from the burlesque aspect of Paulão’s cross dressing. Moreover, according to Macedo & Amaral, the image of the crossdresser was seen by the first feminists “with scorn for his parodies of woman figure” (Macedo & Amaral, 2005: 190). More recently, the feminist stance tries to “see in the figure of the male transvestite a character that challenges notions of sexual difference” highlighting “the potential radicalism of these parodies on the deconstruction of sexual subjectivities” (Macedo & Amaral, 2005: 190). It is exactly that potential that we try to highlight in this analysis. This short story, as well as another one that will be seen next, “Daughter of loneliness”, were brilliantly analyzed by Professor Phillip Rothwell. The story, which is set “in colonial times” (Couto, 1996: 79), times in which the catholic-patriarchal hierarchy exacerbated dichotomies pertinent to gender, is a real insult to the binary and Manichean defined thinking. Indeed, cross-dressing holds a privileged spot as a weapon for such questionings. To Marjorie Garber “the cultural effect of transvestism is to destabilize all such binaries: not only ‘male’ and ‘female’, but also ‘gay’ and ‘straight’ and ‘sex’ and ‘gender’. This is the sense – the radical sense – in which transvestism is a ‘third’” (Garber cited in Rothwell, 2004: 143). Thinking along the lines of Rothblatt, the cross dressers in Couto maybe don’t represent a “third”, but a six billionth sex. As a cross-dresser, Zé Paulão, challenges what it means to be a man or a woman. He is described as “macho man” (Couto 1996: 79-80), his “manhood metonymically extends to the crane with he works” (Rothwell, 2008: 122). Paulão transits, intermittent, day-and-night to his “other”, which is revealed when the narrator is faced to “Zé Paulão’s eyes, ornate with paintings” (Couto, 1996: 82). The disorder caused by this border being, that is the travesty in conceptions of gender socially reiterated, is such that everyone prefers to keep secret the fact: the wife of the longshoreman who had left him without a reason to boast, the narrator that will keep to himself (at least when storytelling the encounter with the neighbor, years later), perhaps even the narrator’s mother, who possibly knew of nocturnal practices Paulão, besides himself, who dresses as a man in public space during the day, and reserve the dresses and women’s shoes for the private, nocturnal space, as everything that should not be revealed (it almost could be said that he reserved his feminine side to the darkness). “The tears of Diamantinha” (Couto, 2006: 33-37) tells of a young woman whose vocation crying attracted many people who came to tell him his sorrows to her cry, relieving the pains of the confessor. Diamantinha’s husband saw a good business opportunity in the influx of people and determined that the woman just cried by bidder, despite her argument that tears were a ‘holy thing” (Couto, 2006: 34). People - now converted into customers – have not left to come, although they should pay the husband before the consultation. One day, Florival appeared there, a “man with a thug, criminal aspect” (Couto, 2006: 35), unable, however, to evil, so that on Sundays he dressed as a woman. That Sunday he sat his dress of yellow sunflowers along Diamantinha and confessed that he loved


The implosion of the concepts of gender in the works of Mia Couto || Márcio Matiassi Cantarin

her for many years. It was in the face of her indifference over this time, to save suffering that “he has decided to convert into a woman. Thus, colleague of the same gender, he would not look at her as the fate of his desires” (Couto, 2006: 35). Diamantinha cried like she had never done before. Florival yet returned the next afternoon. On the third day, the girl said she had no more tears and were had “woman’s conversations” (Couto, 2006: 36) until she gave the youngster his last two tears, which he kept - two little precious diamonds. Both then fled through the woods. At night, truckers said they had seen in the road “a couple of appearances reverse: he dressed as a woman; she in male clothes” (Couto, 2006: 37). Again, there is a male transvestite who uses this practice as temporary mode, only on Sundays. There is also a disparity that destabilizes preconceptions of what the man is, or the woman, or even the male homosexual. After all, the physical description of Florival causes great stress when confronted with his name2 and his ways. On one hand, flower is universally a symbol of the passive principle (Chevalier & Gheerbrant, 2002 : 437 ); on the other, the transvestite’s dress has yellow sunflowers (!), an open manifestation of the active and passive in the individual; a challenge to the patriarchal society, in which man should stifle the passive principle. However, here this aspect of disorder has occupied the public space, adding that Florival adheres to the practice of cross-dressing in the face of a timely identifiable event, making it a kind of escape. This contains an amazing paradox: contrary to what is observed by common sense, when women are the protagonists of the greatest sufferings for love, in the short story there is a man who, to escape from an unrequited love, try to be a woman. And then the peripateia takes place: Diamantinha, keeper of so many sorrows, including having a relapse husband, who uses her, to make easy money will leave her victimhood, what is symbolized in dressing as a man and in giving Florival her last tears. Thus, in “Tears of Diamantinha” Couto goes something only suggested in “high heel shoes”: the practice of transvestite appears dissociated from subjective labeling, being more than just a practice. Chevalier and Gheerbrant, while not referring to the cross-dressing show that Clothes are an outward symbol of spiritual activity, the visible form of the inner man (...) clothing can mean, to manifest it, the deep character of its wearer (...). Therefore, the outfit is not an external attribute, oblivious to the nature of who wears it. Rather, it expresses their essential and fundamental reality (Chevalier & Gheerbrant, 2002: 947-8).

It is one of the first indications of “self-consciousness” (Chevalier & Gheerbrant, 2002: 949). However, the prospect of reading what that has been done authorizes the cases of transvestism of the two tales as indices of latent change in the psyche of these men and women, men who abandoned their truculent features and a woman who is no longer the “whining” and submissive to her husband. All of them are looking for a new locus for experience and express their subjectivities. During an event in Maputo, Couto explained how this reason is significant, “even among the toughest men there is this strange male instinct to poses as woman on days when it is socially agreed [at the carnival]. Was it worth to enquire us - even in a psychiatric sense - this will be the one who is so vehemently denied.” (Couto, 2009: 143). In the case of female transvestism, it has historically functioned as a way for women to gain “access to male domains” (Macedo & Amaral, 2005: 189), although it also remains as a suggestion link with lesbianism. Diamantinha’s case seems, a priori, not to be connect to any of them; her attitudes seem to be an effect of profound changes of being. However, the veterinary in the short story “The daughter of loneliness”” (Couto, 1997: 47-54) is in a profession and a workplace in such a hostile manner, 2

Translator’s note: Florival evokes flower, something like flowery, in English.


The implosion of the concepts of gender in the works of Mia Couto || Márcio Matiassi Cantarin

in which she possibly had no access if she had no male ways and garments. In this tale Meninita is introduced to the reader. She Pacheco’s daughter, one of the Portuguese cellarmans rooted in a place isolated from Mozambique, “where even the original blacks scarce” (Couto, 1997: 49). The family was worried about the fact Meninita be entering puberty without there ever was a man who consigns her, only “colored” (Couto, 1997: 50). The girl consoled flipping through a “thousand times repeated photo novel” (Couto, 1997: 50). On the day she turned eighteen, Meninita had a nasty fever. The only employees of the family, young Massoco replaced the girl in the tavern counter, always showing concern for “little miss”. One day another white woman, a veterinarian ministry with mission to inspect the cattle of the natives, arrived to the place. This woman looked like a man. As the night Meninita had an attack of fever, the father decided to call the vet. Delirious from the fever, Meninita confused the doctor with a man and “kisses her lips greedily” (Couto, 1997: 52). As therapy, the veterinarian proposes to disguise herself as a man and play the role of Meninita’s boyfriend. Several nights the plan was executed until she healed up and returned to the canteen toil, always scolding Massoco. One day, the girl is revealed to be pregnant, which aroused the fury of Pacheco against “the fucking doctor” (Couto, 1997: 54). The couple left a daughter and traveled to the village in order to get satisfactions with the vet. In his room before falling asleep, Meninita still “was still taking the black hand that loomed on the white linen” (Couto, 1997: 54). In this narrative, the collapse in the division of genders is taken to the extreme. The already mentioned disarray caused by the presence of the cross-dresser is enough to make Pacheco (con)fuse the male and female by suggesting the hypothesis that a woman dressed as a man had impregnated his daughter. But the story breaks with another boundary. In truth, it deals with the intersection of the binomials of sex and race. In Rothwell’s words: “So blinding is their racial prejudice that a White female father is deemed to be more feasible than one of ‘those others, of a different color’” (Rothwell, 2004: 146). Still in accordance to the author, Mozambique under the presidency of Samora Machel, kept the taboos and prejudices of the salazarist era, staying intolerant against sexual “deviance” (Rothwell, 2004: 147). If sex and race have been banned for so long, now both cease to be taboo simultaneously, (con)fusing to destabilize the status quo of the racist-patriarchal society. Even when the process of miscegenation is taken into account, there is an inversion in the pattern of racial couples, being more frequent that dominant white group supplies the men, and the women come from the dominated group, which is reversed in the story. Finally, it is worthy of note, that the breaking of the racial taboo, at least within the content of this narrative, is more unacceptable/ preposterous/unthinkable than the breaking of the boundaries of gender: a woman (as long as she is white) can impregnate another woman, but a black man could never impregnate a white woman. In “The Commander’s Lover” (Couto, 2006: 123-128), a Portuguese vessel arrived at a small village, staying anchored there. Some days later a canoe brought on shore three sailors, amongst them a black man as an interpreter, with an urgent request from the captain: the vessel’s commander needed a man immediately, to perform “services of love” (Couto, 2006: 123). Facing the natives confusion, the interpreter made clear that the commander did not need a woman, but a men for services “of carnal love, (…) ripping clothes, squeezing body, rubbing sigh” (Couto, 2006: 124). Even after the delegation went back to the ship, an uncertainty was left; maybe it was a translation error. It was thought that sending someone of the “wrong” sex could upset the white folks. The village elders, believing that the request came, indeed, from a male, proposed that Josinda, a breeder, was sent even though she was “not very feminine, and at first sight could be mistaken for a man, for she was weird, muscular and rude” (Couto, 2006: 124). The woman was summoned, had her hair cut and was dressed in her father’s clothes. She was sent to the ship under the name of Jezequiel. In the middle of the night, when the sailors brought her back, Josinda cried, “something that no one ever saw her


The implosion of the concepts of gender in the works of Mia Couto || Márcio Matiassi Cantarin

doing” (Couto, 2006: 126), keeping silence about what happened in the ship. The following night, the Portuguese came back with the orders that the captain “again needed that Jezequiel” (Couto, 2006: 126). However, Josinda refused to go and the villagers gave the excuse that he wasn’t seen again since that last night. The following day, two boats with sailors came to search for the commander’s man. But the woman had left her home. At night the commander himself walked ashore, visibly disturbed and calling screaming for Jezequiel. Such a search being in vain, the military man gave the order to his sailors to leave without him, for he would stay to search for his lover. Before entering the savannah looking for Jezequiel, the captain wrote a name in the beach sand: Josinda. Here we see a motion opposite to the one seen in “The Tears of Diamantinha”: after meeting with a (homosexual) man, the woman that was never seen crying, (re)acquires that ability (although it is not clear why). In the opposite manner, the contact with a manly/burly cross-dressed woman makes the captain fall in love with a Josinda, when what he initially desired were the services of a Jezequiel. One more there is a (con)fusion/(pro)fusion in the exchange/inversion of sexual roles, making difficult the “academic” task, which in turn is so infatuated with classifications, of separating these characters in a reference chart. It cannot be said that Paulão, Florival and the commander, on one side, and Diamantinha, the vet and Josinda on the other, are men or women in the “catholic” sense, and they do not hold up their personas in an exclusive and permanent homosexual identity, either. Again: each of those out-of-place characters does not represent a 3rd sex, but a 4th, a 12th and a 1006th…, so that, exemplarily, the “the sexual bipolarity is subtracted from the individual and s/he is put in front of countless and unrepeatable possibilities” (Di Ciommo, 1999: 36), as it is believed that that is always positive and desirable, as they are individuals. The only definite quality in the sexual roles of the protagonists in the analyzed stories is their transience, their permanent crossing of boundaries, deconstructing any presuppositions, and confirming the idea that sexual identities – as well as any identifying aspect of the individual – aren’t fixed phenomena, but are constructed and complexified with new experiences. And those are unrepeatable. In the words of Macedo & Amaral “Within this sense, we can say that each individual lives a different process in terms of the development of sexual identity, because every internal reality is different, as well as the learnings and the family-social, political-cultural mediums” (Macedo & Amaral, 2005: 104). 1.2. Homosexuality or Nonconforming Praise: Mia Couto and Queer Theory Somehow, as it has been latent in analyzes of the last item, it has been announced that Coutian work is open to all sorts of questions on the order of sex and gender (and ethnicity, as seen in “The Daughter of Solitude”). However, emphasis was given to transvestism. Therefore, it is necessary to deepen something about homosexuality in the short stories already analyzed and in another which was not discussed. It’s “The Three Sisters” (Couto, 2009a: 9-12) that tells the story of Gilda, Flornela and Evelina, daughters of widower Rosaldo who, since his wife’s death, lived in complete isolation with the girls, keeping them away from any contact with some man. Gilda spent her days writing rhyming verses; Flornela was busy copying old recipes and cooking; Evelina was an embroiderer. Suddenly, a handsome young man appeared, making the sisters jumping out of their household tasks, hoping that the “postponed destiny” might be fulfilled” (Couto, 2009a: 12) . The girls, however, noticed their father unreasonableness: that boy would not take his girls. One night, the three observed Rosaldo stealthily following the youngster, as if to put an end to that situation. When the two men met, they “kissed tenderly and endlessly” (Couto, 2009a: 12) to the amazement of the girls, who mutually shook hands “on rumination of a secret revenge” (Couto, 2009a: 12). In this example, the narrator manages to sustain the tension of the shot story, markedly on male


The implosion of the concepts of gender in the works of Mia Couto || Márcio Matiassi Cantarin

versus female dichotomy until the last paragraph. Rosaldo is the extreme embodiment of “Law of the Father”: ne wants his daughters for himself, forbidding them to love and passion, it was “forbidden to speak of beauty” (Couto, 2009a: 11). The man was who “gave contour to their future” (Couto, 2009a: 9), according to his needs, namely “nostalgia, cold and hungry” (Couto, 2009a: 9), a dynamic that even suggests something like a moral incest. Incidentally, number 3, among many other meanings is also the number of incest (Brunel, 2000: 679). Thus the father had destined the first to be poet, the second to be cook and the third to be an embroiderer (it should be emphasized that before being a cook, the girl was a transcriber). All three remained stuck to the patriarchal law, offered only to the mentioned tasks, historically identified with (imposed precisely because they were) women (even Gilda was just a domestic poet, whose “work” did not go beyond the scope of private). So is that, “unknowingly, Gilda was committing suicide” (Couto, 2009a: 10) and Evelina cried her own death” (Couto, 2009a: 11). At the end of the narrative, the moment of turnaround will be surprising to the reader, who certainly does not expect the attitude of Rosaldo (although as Florival, the character’s name indicates a game of dubious meanings). Without warning, heterosexual sexism that was the basis for the oppression of the three sisters reveals another reality, seen as incompatible with the position of the father. One possibility for the release of the three sisters would be the “symbolic death of the father”. In this story, at least interestingly, it is the father who “commits suicide in his law.” Because of his name, besides participating in the general flower symbolism, which refers to the passive principle, the father of the short story also shares the symbolism of resurrection, mystic rebirth represented by the rose (Chevalier & Gheerbrant, 2002: 788-9); the father dies, certainly for the birth of a manlike, complete man. This is a powerful challenge to the heteronormative model in the wake of McIntosh and Foucault, for whom sexual behaviors are a creation of human beings, understanding homosexuality (following the example of other conformations of sexuality) as a construction with sociopolitical goals (Foucault 1988: passim). Rubin reveals that “The suppression of the homosexual component of human sexuality, and corollary, the oppression of homosexuals is therefore a product of the same system whose rules and relations oppress women” (Rubin, 1993: 11). At this point it is possible to extrapolate any alleged psychic and/or biologically determinism related to homosexual. His historical depreciation is directly related to the subordination of women, with which it is identified by a parallelism with attitudes/ postures of both, specifically a stereotypical “passivity”. Anchored in this political issue it will be possible to understand how Coutian work attempts to deconstruct and re-signify heterosexuality, institutionalized by patriarchy as normative, because of “their relationship with gender, class, race and nationality” (Macedo & Amaral, 2005: 100). Even if the writer is “someone who plays with the mother’s body” (Barthes, 1999: 50), Couto widen their poetic playground to the dour and hermetic territory of the Father’s body. It is believed now to successfully advance the idea that Couto corroborates through these short stories with queer notions, as a discursive and conceptual horizon different from that created by men and even as another way of thinking about sex. According to Macedo & Amaral the term Queer “allows a unique conceptual potential to define a place, necessarily unstable, challenging fixed identities. (...) queer proposes queer destabilization of the centers and also the gaps to them - the margins “(Macedo & Amaral, 2005: 161). It seems to be the same what was being read in the chosen stories, not “only” the decentering of the norm or perhaps stereotypical notions of what are the deviations from this pattern. More than that, center and margin are not fixed concepts since Coutian characters move constantly by them, often demonstrating an “interpenetration of sexualities conventionally kept as separate”’(Macedo &


The implosion of the concepts of gender in the works of Mia Couto || Márcio Matiassi Cantarin

Amaral, 2005: 185). Since its origins, in the United States, in the late 1980s, Queer Theory was linked “to a political, ludic, ironic position of confrontation” (Macedo & Amaral, 2005: 185). With such out-of- place fauna characters, Mia Couto confronts the right wing politics, questioning how they always stigmatized as “abnormal” practices that clashed with the normative heterosexuality. Would the author provide what Judith Butler refers to “possibility of” permissive ‘rupture’ and ‘re-signification’ within the sexual norms and gender” (Butler, cited in Macedo & Amaral, 2005: 185). There it is a key to understand Couto’s political-literary project: in order to the culture of oppression sag space for tolerance and brotherhood among men it is necessary to re-signify the world, and the history and human thought. At least, the point of view of his short stories about gender, sexual practice and identity could be seen as provocative. And it is known that any deeper reflection on a specific topic needs a good provoking as a trigger. Final Considerations The mitigation of the hetero/homo binary that can be inferred from these narratives favors the challenge of heteronormative model and, by extent, the confrontation of the “Law of the Father” and all it stands for: repression/oppression for women and also, certainly, for men. Basically, in many of the stories analyzed, there is a tendency to identify a number of masculinities and femininities beyond the triad hetero/homo/bi, even identifying them with other variables such as race, class, status, and ethnicity, depicting as such conjugate aspects is organized in systems of hegemony and subalternity (Macedo & Amaral, 2005: 123). All those questions end up referring considerations, once again, to the clash between nature and culture, how one is taken by the other, even as the cultural masquerades natural to achieve spurious purposes. One must bear in mind that the difference between sex and gender is a “heterocentered product of a social contract, [considered] as a biological or nature fact” (Macedo & Amaral, 2005: 104). It is the patriarchal discourse that creates a norm and imposes it as natural, which echoes in Christian discourse when it takes this “natural fabricated” as divine plan, opposing staunchly - and thereby marginalizing - the “non-compliant” with the standard. The Coutian speech without leave north who guided by the compass of patriarchy, because even the boundaries between “normal” and “a-normal”, which allowed the first segregate the seconds are porous and shifting. Coutian speech makes who was guided by the compass of patriarchy bewildered, because even the boundaries between “normal” and “ab-normal”, which allowed the first to segregate the seconds are porous and shifting. After all, it is expected that it is clear that there is a logic that consistently runs through all these narratives and signs toward a kind of political-literary project of the author in favor of forming a new society that prioritizes, indeed, the intrinsic values to the character of individuals, regardless their sexual orientation.


The implosion of the concepts of gender in the works of Mia Couto || Márcio Matiassi Cantarin

Bibliographic References ― (1988). Holy Bible. São Paulo: Ave Maria Publishers. Barthes, R. (1999 [5th edition]). The Pleasure of the text. São Paulo: Perspectiva. Chevalier, J. & Gheerbrant, A. (2002 [17ª. Ed]). Symbols Dictionary. Rio de Janeiro: José Olympio. Couto, M. (2009a). O fio das missangas. Lisboa: Caminho. _­_____. (2009b). E se Obama fosse africano e outras Interinvenções. Lisboa: Caminho. ______. (2006). Na berma de nenhuma estrada. Lisboa: Caminho. ______. (1997). Contos do nascer da Terra. Lisboa: Caminho. _____. (1996). Estórias Abensonhadas. Rio de Janeiro: Editora Nova Fronteira. Di Ciommo, R. C. (1999). Ecofeminismo e educação ambiental (Ecofeminism and environmental education). São Paulo: Editorial Cone Sul/UNIUBE. Foucault, M. (1988). The History of Sexuality I: The Will to Knowledge. Rio de Janeiro: Edições Graal. Macedo, A. G. & Amaral, A. L. (2005). Feminist Criticism Dictionary. Porto: Edições Afrontamento. Rothwell, P. (2004). A Postmoderm Nationalist. Lewisburg: Bucknell University Press. Rubin, G. (1993). O tráfico de mulheres (Trafficking in women). Recife: SOS Corpo.


Abstract: João Gilberto Noll is a well-known author for composing autodiegetic narrators who are meandering, misty and porous; many are difficult to grasp sexually what makes them creatively subjective and moveable. The work to be analyzed here, Solidão Continental (2012), is not different in relation to the nollian traditional form, but in relation between his narrative traditions with a renewed scope of content present in it. Through this scope, it can be seen a plethora of fictional beings, which have been developed gradually since the Stonewall uprising (1969), whose transience erotic / sexual is steep and difficult to understand. This indefinability has been called pomosexualism. Therefore, the objective of this project is to examine how the composition of the nollian traditional narrator is built up refreshingly with the most striking pomossexual features through the narrative constructions about the narrator (voice and manner) by Gérard Genette, focusing on, the narrator / character, João Bastos. Keywords: pomosexual; narrator; João Gilberto Noll. 1. Introduction Here or there I went ahead in search of a clear purpose. (Noll, 2012: 10) The quote above is from the book Solidão Continental (2012) by the Brazilian author João Gilberto Noll. It was handed out by his narrator/ protagonist, João Bastos, in the very beginning, with the intention of starting his adventurous narrative. The book title may summarize its plot which is about this character that travels across countries looking for something undefined. He never finds it. Furthermore, he finds himself constantly alone. So much for this plot as well as for the quote indicated, we can attest one of the main nollian topics: the transience. Noll, who won five Jabuti awards, defines his writing as follows: “( ... ) The man is not a stagnant beast. And there is only fiction, because of that and not to use as the action of a stunning mishap that is worth by itself.”1 Indeed, man is not a stagnant beast as their characters. Noll covers a plethora of topics of contemporaneity in his books, although the transience is one that constantly takes the limelight and serves as leitmotif of many of his narratives. This transience may appear as a pure wandering through digressions as well as through intersectionality with other themes (social, anthropological, urban, ontological, sex etc.). The transience, under the aegis of human sexuality, is one of the most innovative 1

Available at http: Accessed in October 25, 2013.


João Gilberto Noll and the pomosexuality Carlos Eduardo de Araujo Plácido UFSCar

João Gilberto Noll and the pomosexuality || Carlos Eduardo de Araujo Plácido

features of nollian recurrent literary weaving. The transiently sexual narrative found in this work is porous, fragmented and deterritorialized while is creatively intense and questioning. It is intense in its dense and breathless pace in updating its reading. It is creative by designing a strong narrator, and he is questioning, because of his contingency. This narrator plays with the language in the guise of Lyotard and Vattimo. He deconstructs the binary compositions solidified by the grand narratives (metanarratives) as stated by Derrida and Butler, besides inquiring pointedly about the literary context through the pomosexual prism of Carol Queen and Lawrence Schimel. And it is precisely through this pomossexual look into his narrative that this article will be developed. 2. What is pomosexuality? The word pomosexuality was coined by Carol Queen and Lawrence Schimel in their book Pomosexuals: challenging Assumptions about Gender and Sexuality (1997). In it, both of them propose this new word for believing that the acronym LGBT2 has not been embraced adequately the prolific range of so-called “sexual minorities” so far, let alone those in transit or classified as indefinite. However, they make it clear, in the preface, that this word is not a simplistic replacement of this notorious acronym used sometimes at random, but a contrapuntal addition: “We don’t propose that “pomosexual” replace LGBT&Fs” (Queen & Schimel, 1997: 105). Similarly the inquisitorial reaction of the postmodernism against the modernism, pomosexualism is an inquisitorial reaction against the sexual boundaries narrowed nowadays. Thus, Queen and Schimel choose the prefix pomo, which in English is the abbreviation of postmodernism. Therefore, pomosexualism embodies all the features evidenced in the postmodernism through a sexual look concurrently with all the intricacies of this new way of perceiving the human sexuality. Is not exactly a repudiation against the queer theory, but a re-questioning of its predictions as well as the whole plot concerning the sexualities isolated or excluded by queer studies. The pomosexuality also presents inexorable paradoxes as the queer theory does. For instance, how can we nominate those who refuse to be nominated, because they consider nominations a clear form of restriction? It is tough question, indeed. However, the pomosexuality is an attempt to provide tools for analytical purposes. It is an ontological and epistemological term in order to question legitimations which have established themselves as unique and immutable through the metanarratives. And it is at this point that prefix pomo of pomosexuality is justified. It entails one of the main aspects of the postmodernity: the indeterminacy of the contemporary subject against totalizing discourses to which are indicated by Jean-François Lyotard in The Postmodern (1986). Lyotard attests the unbelief of the postmodern subject vis-à-vis the philosophic and metaphysical metadiscourse whose claims are timeless and universal. But what are the constitutive characteristics of this indeterminism? What does it question and suspect? According to the online dictionary Caldas Aulete, there are two basic meanings referring to indeterminism: 1) Doctrine that declares all humans are free to decide and determine their actions (freewill) whose outcome cannot be predicted or determined by any antecedent causes and 2) Type of phenomena or events that do not have causes; INDETERMINACY. These two definitions are insufficient to explain all, or rather, most of the constitutional impact regarding the subject’s contemporary indeterminism identified by postmodern bias. Furthermore, the chances of producing tautologies are gigantic. For example, the indeterminacy is what cannot be determined or indeterminacy is not determinacy. In fact, the postmodern indeterminism (such as the pomosexual) refers to the concepts above, but it goes beyond. At first, four more features 2

LGBT is an initialism that stands for lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender.


João Gilberto Noll and the pomosexuality || Carlos Eduardo de Araujo Plácido

should be added to this semantic bulge: a) the delegitimation of the metanarratives (vattimianian nihilism), b) deconstruction of the binary structures crystallized by the metanarratives c) constant characterization of the off-center beings and d) the concept of “being in the closet” proposed by Eve k. Sedgwick in Epistemology of the closet (1990). All in all, pomosexualism is a very recent term and it has been little discussed by literary criticism thus far. Therefore, this article aims to unveil how the Brazilian author João Gilberto Noll constructs, consciously or unconsciously, his autodiegetic narrator, João Bastos from Solidão Continental (2012), along with some of the pomosexual features proposed by Queen and Schimel; contributing then as a significant addition to this immense flora called: sexual diversity. 3. Continental Dessolitude In order to better understand the pomosexual strokes, proposed by Queen and Schimel in PoMoSexuals: Challenging Assumptions About Gender and Sexuality (1997), present in the autodiegetic narrator from Solidão Continental (2012), João Bastos, is of utmost importance to understand the narrative tradition of João Gilberto Noll’s narrators with a view to verifying more adequately how he renewed the sexual indefinability here under this new look. In general, many of the nollian narrators tarry to reveal their names and some do not even bother to do it. To the majority of nollian literary critics, his narrators are constantly regarded as androgynous, gays as well as bisexuals and not as sexually indefinite. They wander incessantly via the various social and sexual strata. They seem to be frequently in a never-ending search of symbolic meanings for this roaming. The transience is one of the main concepts of Noll’s works as well as his fictional characters’ sexual indefiniteness always located in the in-between places. One of the most thought-provoking examples found in the nollian tradition is the narrator/ protagonist, João Imaculado, from the novel Acenos e Afagos (2006). He has a male name, but this does not seem to define him as such. The actual etymology of the word imaculado (immaculate) helps us to understand his configuration, since it means no stains, neither interventions nor changes, so apparently, there seems to be no relevant vicissitudes in its signification. In the case of Solidão Continental (2012), the same event occurs. Only readers discover the name João Bastos near the end, on page 89 (the novel presents 125 pages). The name for Noll appears to be irrelevant as evidenced by Rafael Martins da Costa in the article “A ficção cíclica de João Gilberto Noll: uma leitura de Acenos e Afagos” (2006). In other cases, the appointment is no longer irrelevant, but disposable, because it seems not to be holder of any kind of definition as exemplified in A Fúria do Corpo (1981). Right in the first lines, Noll introduces the narrative voice, or better, he does not: My name is not. I live on the streets of a time when naming is to provide suspicions. To whom? Don’t want me to be naive: nobody’s name. Call me whatever you like, I was consecrated João Evangelista, not that my name is João, absolutely not. (Noll, 1981: 5)

Why this occurs? There are several possible explanations, but one of the most plausible is related to the incompleteness of the nollian fictional beings. Noll appears to have no intention of creating barriers, imprisoning their characters in identity chains. In doing so, he ends up weaving a mobile environment, ephemeral and incommensurable. Often, the spaces are nominated, but for the nollian dexterity, they remain unidentifiable, misty as, for example, the capital city of Rio Grande do Sul, Porto Alegre, that raises another configuration in Rastros de Verão (1986). It is a fugacious city; the perfect environment for hikers, pilgrims, vagabonds, messiahs, among other fictional beings in transit. Such indefinability also occurs with smaller spaces like the hotel room 123 from the novel


João Gilberto Noll and the pomosexuality || Carlos Eduardo de Araujo Plácido

Hotel Atlântico (1989). Incidentally or not, Noll’s constant struggle for maintaining the status quo of the narrative fuzziness is enhanced by the sexual descriptions of its participants. Sexual relations are, perhaps, the sharper forms of permeability and the existential nollian ambulation. In Hotel Atlântico (1989), the narrator (also autodiegetic) falls in love with the hotel receptionist in a matter of seconds and, after revealing his love, both of them have an intercourse. In the case of Solidão Continental (2012), the first physical contact is described as idyllic with a fantastic ending. João Bastos finds Bill in the hotel room (formerly Bismarck, currently Allegro), and then he starts recalling their past experiences and wanders about possible experiences to come. The narration is porous and impalpable. The reminiscences are constantly confounded with the narrative updating. Little is known of his present trip, but it is known even less of his past which is painted in matte and fragmented shape as the memories of an old man, near death. This whole passage is configured unclearly. The boundaries between the real and the dream are blurred; most often overlap or merge into skittish contacts, or rather stressful frictions. The frictions are constants, mainly between the autodiegetic narrator and the surrounding characters. And the narrator is in the position of protagonist is an ex-centric as described by Linda Hutcheon in Poetics of postmodernism: history, theory and fiction (1991). He is inevitably identified with the center to which he aspires, but it is denied. Although he constantly aims to accomplish his homoerotic desires with Bill, Tom and Roger, he does not do it. For the most part, they remain stuck to his imagination. Heterosexual relations are most often substantiated, given the narrative passages described with Elvira and Mira/o, or even insinuations of achievement with Daiene. Maybe this process encourages the narrator to proceed with pomosexual traits in building up his narration. All these features may help vigorously the vagueness of the unintelligible nollian protagonists. All in all, it seems to be more palpable to opt for the pomosexual erotic/sexual bias to deal with his narrators, more specifically with the narrator of Solidão Continental (2012), because his indefinability, he seems to make it unique, unforgettable – especially in sly encounters with strangers to his social milieu. At the very beginning of the novel, the protagonist outlines his preference for strangers and comments: “I challenge whether it wouldn’t be better to stop and go drink among strangers” (Noll, 2012: 09). Further, his old lover appears who is stroked more distantly than expected, as if he were a foreigner oblivious to his familiar spectrum. At this point, the erotic tension starts which loops through into the narrative; usually marked by hypothetical actions as the chosen, the second conditional tense impregnates the rhythmus: “I could touch it with humanity” (Noll, 2012: 17), referring to the satin fabric of the hotel bedspread, “(...) and the moment when he would enter with his own body to satisfy me” (Noll, 2012: 17), direct allusion to his first gay lover: Bill. The construction of a sexual unidentified diegesis seems to set up more vehemence to the narrator’s discourses, considering him to be the spokesman of his own experiences as the central character of the novel (Reis & Lopes, 1988: 118). At first, João Bastos demonstrates to return to this transient hotel, after twenty-eight years, in order to rediscover his love’s love, the American Bill Stevens, after a long period of sexual abstention. This idea is quickly undone by the own narrator by describing such relationship as loving, passionate, or rather more passionate for the passion. Therefore, there is here another characteristic of him: the manipulation of the narrative instances with a view of building a changeable and fragmented diegesis which reflects his sexual interactions. A little later, he stops that moment to recall his sexual experience with his ex-wife, Elvira, through comparisons drawn directly with Bill: “(...) take my hand, I’d shove her nip slip, she asked me to pick up the nipple, rub a little, and I felt exactly like Bill’s cock “(Noll, 2012: 15). The most


João Gilberto Noll and the pomosexuality || Carlos Eduardo de Araujo Plácido

exciting point here is to realize the same-sex predilection. The protagonist uses comparisons which constantly tilt the homoeroticism in the expense of heteronormativity. Only on this page of the book, the autodiegetic narrator, João Bastos, goes from gay to celibate, from celibate to straight and then from straight to gay again. This leads us to question if there is a sexual predilection inside the protagonist’s sexual indeterminacy? A narrator (homodiegetic or autodiegetic) with undefined sexual characteristics, i.e., with pomosexual traits evidenced in the narrative weaving can present trends stronger for the own sex fictional beings than to one of the opposite sex? Although riveting, such matter shall not be dealt with in this article. In some ways, this narrator, through the elements demonstrated so far, could easily be defined as bisexual, since he chooses willingly not only men, but also women. However, the undefined sexual tension is largely complexified as we deepen in the narrator/protagonist’s characterizations as well as in his relations with other characters. Returning to the above passage, there is a blurring of genres masculine/feminine through the descriptions of João Bastos’ lovers’ sexual organs, because Elvira’s nipple resembles directly to Bill’s erect penis, at least in the sensations. There is, therefore, a mixture of emotions from the sexual interactions established a priori between the narrator and the other characters. The equality between genders breaks with the hierarchy of the modern society phallocentrism. The importance of such disruption is highlighted by Jacques Derrida in Mal d’archive (2001): “one of the two terms commands (axiologically, logically etc.), occupies the highest place. To deconstruct the opposition means, first of all, in a given time, reverse the hierarchy”. (DERRIDA, 2001, p. 48, own translation) From the second chapter on, the erotic/ sexual voltage is transferred to the Mormon bear guy, Tom. This tension will cool down due to the obstacles faced by João Bastos in consubstantiation of his sexual desires, but it will not be completely extinguished. Apparently, in the first chapter, João Bastos is out of the closet. Both Bill and Elvira are aware of his homoerotic desires. However, here, João returns to the closet due to Tom’s religiosity. Note the relevance of the protagonist’s introversion to establish social relationships with (apparently) straight characters as indicated by Eve K. Sedgwick in the Epistemology of the closet (1990). The return to the closet is built by the narrator in an effective manner, but not as clear as it seems. The readers can only infer this return, because João Bastos’ sexual desires are only performed in his mind (platonically). This occurs due to all, or nearly all, the speeches delivered by a first-person narrator, knowledgeable only of their sexual instincts. The reader has no access to the Tom’s mind, making it impossible for them to enter his innermost desires. The configuration of the closet if solidified when the narrator, for complete failure in his weak and obscure attempts before Tom, transfers his homoerotic desires to a group of Brazilian soldiers who drank a lot at the bar, more specifically Rogério on his way out: “I touched his lips and then did mouth-to-mouth resuscitation, even though the boy didn’t need it” (Noll, 2012: 37). Once again, the narrator constructs a narrative of assumptions through interior monologues in order to remain distant from the possible consequences of the realization his carnal desires. This is a pomosexual feature, exactly by setting up a transitional fetishist and fleeting desire. The narrator’s dexterity puts his readers in doubt even in the representation of the fetish: Is João Bastos attracted to hairy men or men in uniform? In the pomosexual spectrum, he can be attracted to both, since attraction to only one would demonstrate a restriction against which pomosexuality fight. Now in Mexico City (Chapter 3), João Bastos materializes clumsily his sexual desires with a local teenager, the gardener’s daughter, Mira. However, in Chapter 4, he leaves us in doubt if Mira were really a girl through the inner monologue: “the two entered a conversation in French, which I


João Gilberto Noll and the pomosexuality || Carlos Eduardo de Araujo Plácido

preferred to escape thinking in detail in the English language, in Bill, Tom, Mira or Miro” (Noll, 2012: 50). By doing so, the narrator deconstructs the binarism masculine/feminine, as checked by Terry Eagleton by quoting Jacques Derrida in Literary theory: an introduction (2006): “the woman is just another being, in the sense of something out of reach, but another closely related to it, the image of what he is not, and therefore an essential reminder of what he is” (Eagleton, 2006: 199). Nevertheless, this is not the only binarism deconstructed. The binarism heterosexual/homosexual is also, to the extent that Mira/o is taken as androgynous character. The androgyny of Mira/o is not clearly explained. Its construction through the eyes of this autodiegetic narrator is misty and fragmented. There no neither extra affirmations, neither denials of its sexual orientation nor additional information about its body composition and cultural background. And this is where his characterization (as a narrator) approaches to the concept of différance by Jacques Derrida, because Mira/o is a linguistic sign that differentiates and differs, without providing any type of fixing semantics. The theme androgyny appears in more than one nollian novel: A Fúria do corpo (1981). In the constant search for meanings, its male narrator positions himself as woman and follows describing his sexual adventures with the opposite sex: “(...) where an unreal lady comes upon my body and possesses it, reflecting me as slim, blonde and beautiful like a nymph of other eras” (Noll, 1981: 208). There is a freedom of identity, especially in the characterization of nollian autodiegetic narrators and when they are imprisoned or restricted in some way, they get angry: “(...) and when I heard her voice I finally found out it was too late for me to be a woman: there was more choice” (Noll, 1981: 208). The sexual indefinability of João Bastos is fortified exponentially along the narrative. He is amplified to such an extent that any closed delineation of his characterization tends to the impossible and improbable. The traditional saussurian acceptation given by the significant/ signified becomes illegitimate. According to Jacques Derrida on De la grammatologie (1973), any type of binarism is a brisure which should be subverted, exposing its paradoxical movements within its own structure. It is a narrative of “question marks”. Does João Bastos prefer women to men? Celibacy to an orgy? A androgynous being to an American gay from the subculture? We do not know and perhaps we will never know. In the end, it does not matter. There is more interpretive wealth in the possibilities of the indefiniteness than in closed and totalized narratives, with a centered structure. This center, which a priori was known as immutable, must always be questioned, because it is nothing more than a discourse as stated by Jacques Derrida in L’Écriture et la différence (2002). (...) It was not a fixed place, but a function, a kind of non-place which there was indefinitely substitutions of signs. It was then when the language had invaded the problematic universal field; it was then when, in the absence of a center or an origin, everything became discourse (Derrida, 2002: 232).

The choice of an autodiegetic narrator possibilitates the questioning of this totalizing center and its understanding as a discourse, by Reis & Lopes’ commentaries about the genettian autodiegetic narrator in Dicionário de Teoria da Narrativa (1988): “At the start of the story, the Narrator holds an absolute knowledge of the subjects, but he shows them gradually and not all at once” (Reis & Lopes, 1988: 119). With only this feature, it becomes difficult for a strict characterization of both the protagonist and the surrounding characters, because they do not cease to be built through a single point of view: the narrator/ protagonist. Therefore, the characterization will be depicted according to the narrator’s focus. In the specific case of the nollian autodiegetic narrator, it can be seen that he abuses of inconsistencies, uncertainties, assumptions and suppositions. He is not just a manipulative narrator, but he is also evasive and elusive.


João Gilberto Noll and the pomosexuality || Carlos Eduardo de Araujo Plácido

4. Conclusion The autodiegetic narrator from Solidão Continental (2012), João Bastos, shows clear pomosexual traits by behaving sexually undefined and transient. Such vagueness occurs by oppositions established vis-à-vis the metanarratives (particularly the heteronormativity) so criticized by many postmodern theorists. He denies them, because they represent restrictions to his personal blossom, mainly sexual; they are barriers limiting the potential of his future erotic desires. This denial is also corroborated by the simplistic binary deconstructions as, for example, man/woman and straight/gay. This deconstruction releases the various meanings present in nollian literary texts, though previously hidden by the metanarratives. Such release ends up exposing the ex-centricism of the secondary characters as well as the narrator/protagonist, let alone point out the frustrations and fears of the characters in the closet.

Bibliographic References Butler, J. (2003). Problemas de gênero: feminismo e subversão da identidade. Rio de Janeiro: Civilização Brasileira. Costa, R. M. A ficção cíclica de João Gilberto Noll: uma leitura de Acenos e Afagos. Universidade Estadual de Campinas. [Url:, last access in 10/04/2013]. Derrida, J. (2002[5th edition]). A Escritura e a Diferença. (M. Silva, Tra.). Revista Encontros de Vista. São Paulo: Perspectiva. ______. (2001) Mal de Arquivo: uma impressão freudiana. (C. Rego, Tra.). Rio de Janeiro: Relume Dumará. ______. (1973). Gramatologia. (M. Schnaiderman & R. J. Ribeiro, Tra.). São Paulo: Perspectiva. Dicionário online Caldas Aulete. [Url:, last access in 09/05/2013] Hutcheon, L. (1991). Poética do pós-modernismo: história, teoria e ficção. (R. Cruz, Tra.). Rio de Janeiro: Imago Ed. Lyotard, J. (1986). O Pós-Moderno. Rio de Janeiro: José Olympio. Noll, J. (2012) Solidão Continental. São Paulo: Record. ______. (2006). Acenos e afagos. Rio de Janeiro: Record. ______. (1997). Romances e contos reunidos. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras. ______. (1989). Hotel Atlântico. Rio de Janeiro: Rocco. ______. (1986). Rastros de Verão. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras. ______. (1981). A fúria do corpo. São Paulo: Rocco. Queen, C. & Schimel, L. (1997[Kindle edition]). PoMoSexuals: Challenging Assumptions About Gender and Sexuality. United States of America: Cleis Press, Location 105. Reis, C. & Lopes, A. C. (1988). Dicionário de Teoria da Narrativa. São Paulo: Ática.


João Gilberto Noll and the pomosexuality || Carlos Eduardo de Araujo Plácido

Rocha, R. C. (2011). Rastros E Restos: A Realidade Possível Em J. G. Noll. Itinerários, Araraquara, n. 32, pp. 45-59. Santos, R. & Garcia, W. (2002). A escrita de adé. Perspectivas teóricas dos estudos gays e lésbicas no Brasil. São Paulo: Xamã Editora. Spargo, T. (2009). Foucault e a teoria queer. Editora Pazulin. Sedgwick, E. K. (1990). Epistemology of the closet. Berkeley: University of California Press. Vattimo, G. (2002). O fim da modernidade. Niilismo e hermenêutica na cultura pós-moderna. São Paulo: Martins Fontes.


Abstract: We propose to analyze two exemplary journeys, of Fernanda Dias and Ruy Cinatti in Macau and Timor; they are very different, but united by the same amorous encounter with the Other, as a mirror in which the identity is discovered with a poignant vibration never attained by any other landscape or event. This encounter, turned into falling in love as they elect as their own a beloved soil, does not indulge in sophistic forced identifications; it desmantles exoticism and orientalism, and challenges dichotomies, addicted reviews, expected mirror games of Prosperos and Calibans, loving and hating each other à tour de rôle. In fact, Cinatti and Fernanda Dias face Prospero, on the other side, invested of virtue and beauty, as they discover themselves as devoted Calibans, inflamed by the Other’s excess of reality, assertivness and presence they lack. Keywords: Poetry ; Macau ; Timor ; sacred ; falling in love .                                  Quando partir ficarei Nunca irei, quando me for 1. In the interwowen web of colonial empires, there are many stories of travelers / visitors who succumb to the spell of the land that welcomes them, and where they deepen their selfunderstanding, in a paradoxical blend of charm and strangeness. Tutelary ghosts, such as Camilo Pessanha, still wander by the sites where they lingered, and not only in the imagination of poets who appear as their epigones. It is impossible not to see Macau without convening the look of Camilo Pessanha, as it will be impossible to evoke Timor without listening to what Ruy Cinatti has to say, as its self - elected champion. I propose to analyze here two exemplary journeys, very different, but united by the same amorous encounter with the Other, as a mirror in which self-identity is discovered with a poignancy that no other landscape or event will attain. Both Fernanda Dias and Cinatti will depart, always dreaming of the return, thus finding themselves condemned to live in grief. So one hesitates to perceive as blessed the sacred bond that binds them ad aeternum to Macao and Timor. They both function as mirrors of self-identity, hopelessly lost. As if, in the land without return, in the past, remained the memory of the most pregnant identity they ever had, unrecoverable but through the nostalgic evocation of poetry, which is no more than the expression of irremediable grief. This surrender, actually a kind of love affair, experienced as the election of a beloved soil, doesn’t fall into the illusion of sophistic forced identifications; it refuses exoticism and


“Transformase o amador na coisa amada”: the exemplary journeys of Ruy Cinatti and Fernanda Dias in Timor and Macau Vera Borges University of Saint Joseph , Macau , China

“Transforma-se o amador na coisa amada”: the exemplary journeys of Ruy Cinatti and Fernanda Dias in Timor and Macau || Vera Borges

orientalisms; it challenges dichotomies, addicted reviews, games and mirrors of Prosperos and semipassionate Calibans, hating and loving each other à tour de rôle, as established. With Cinatti and Fernanda Dias, it is Prospero who is on the other side, full of virtue and beauty, and it is they who discover themselves as devoted Calibans, inflamed by too much reality, too much assertivness, which they really lack. 2. First evidence: it is the colonial past, history that enables the encounter/discovery. It will not be strikeout; it will be assumed as a reason for interrogation. Fernanda Dias and Ruy Cinatti stories are different, so is history, meaning politics, for each of them. Let us begin by Fernanda Dias. She registers en passant the aporias of the historical process, as notes configuring the context of a relationship. In her time and in her world, European ethnocentrism is no longer an option; especially because at the center of the text / the world, love rules. And love is totalitarian, it absorbs everything in its vortex. Does surrender to the Other (a man) determine the loving and inclusive perception of the estranged world that one wants to understand? Or is it the decision / choice to love the estranged world that leads to the election of the Chinese lover? In an amorous getaway to China, the subject calls for the critical gaze of Camilo Pessanha, to dismantle China’s exotic charm and display the misery and shame of the political and social system. “Desta China é-me interdito falar, sob pena de pôr o dedo numa antiga, dolorosa ferida.” (“Sai Kuá”, 1998: 30). The scenery that she visits, with the Chinese lover, is changed into a common past, as a dream of a common childhood; thus it should bring them together, bringing them to a mythical time of human and universal sharing, prior to any division or ideological choice: “Não é só a tua infância que está ali, é também a minha...” But history intervenes, as an undeniable protagonist in the story of the loving couple, through the exemplary episode of the watermelon, that both decide to purchase, and that she will carry alone with effort, as he refuses to do so. “Que secreto tabu o impede de atravessar o mercado carregando uma melancia? Ou antes, que orgulhoso preconceito o impede de caminhar ao lado de uma mulher ocidental, carregando fruta num saco de plástico?”

Should we acknowledge his refusal an ideological value, as a kind of political statement? The following interrogation deflects the question to the field of cultural differences, contemplated from the perspective of gender analysis: “Ou então, que norma antiquada o proíbe de atravessar o mercado carregando as compras, seguido de uma mulher? Ou talvez, que lição quer ele dar-me, obrigando-me a segui-lo, penosamente carregada (...).”

We are still deep in indecision; the subject oscillates from the political-ideological perspective to a social one, loaded with political implications. But everything will be perceived within the strict terms of love, meaning female submission to the male principle: “Levanto mais o saco amarelo, encostando-o aos seios. A noite faz-se, já sem sombra de revolta. Como uma bandeira de submissão, entro no hotel arvorando orgulhosamente uma melancia.”

The watermelon turns into a trophy, as a woman’s metonymy – she is also a trophy, and proud of being so; she assumes triumphantly and ironically her submission, because it corresponds to the triumph of love itself, which would not be otherwise.


“Transforma-se o amador na coisa amada”: the exemplary journeys of Ruy Cinatti and Fernanda Dias in Timor and Macau || Vera Borges

3. Fernanda Dias celebrates the divine presence of the Other, the beloved; he encompasses all, time and places, he becomes the measure of all things: “O sol cai, ouro líquido,/ nos lagos de Nam Van./ O céu atrás do leque de água/ jade e nácar na neblina/ o chá verde, um aroma;/ e a música que fazes,/ rosto e timbre da tarde. (2002: 15) The expectation is already exultation; lovers meet and bring with them their worlds, the ones they live in (now the “ strange city “ of Macau ) or the ones they carry in them ( the Alentejo of Fernanda Dias’ synesthesia). The relationship between human subjects and space is not metaphorical, but one of a metonymic nature - metonymy presupposes proximity and contiguity between the terms that constitute it, avoiding the abstraction implied by metaphorical procedure. The experience of love is indeed totalitarian, in that it presupposes the emergence of the Other as absolute. The subject surrender corresponds to an exultation that implies her annihilation. The intensity of the encounter is measured by this disproportionate expectation, on the verge of a celebration/meeting that calls for all the subject experiences and emotions, in a sacrificial tribute to the Other. “Primeiro olhar/Quatro horas da tarde morna e baça/Horas estranhas da cidades estranha//- Estou aqui, encolhida num canto/ Trago os olhos cheios de estevas e besouros/Que vieram para te ver.” (1992: 13) The charm of the Other resides in his oriental being, a prolongation of the harmonic cosmos before which the subject is in constant exaltation, even when surrending to nostalgia. “E para que o perfume da rosa não nos sufocasse/ Com o seu mistério antigo e decadente/Os deuses deram o sabor às lichias,/A cor aos lótus, e essa frescura acetinada e dura/Ao opulento jade do teu peito.” (1999: 29).       This love is made of distance and misunderstanding, whitout being compromised by that. On the contrary, the strangeness and an undeniable sense of exclusion contributes to the intensity and the miraculous nature of this love affair. As if belonging to another race, to another culture, the allien historical surroundings, would merely amplify the radical strangeness inherent to every encounter between a man and a woman. That’s what we read, in the ironic and triumphal outcome of the abovementioned “Sai-kua”. In “respirando sem ti”: “digo e repito:/ estou aqui e esta é a minha voz./ a terra é tua, a arrogância é tua./mas o ar que respiramos, é de todos nós” (1999: 31). The balance of forces woven in terms of history, with the colonizer-colonized dynamic already changed into its reversal, due to the arrogance and control exercised by the ex-colonized, seem to merely emphasize the unbalanced status quo inherent to a male-female relationship. In a love context, the complaint deals with political and historical implications, as does the final claim for justice- “o ar que respiramos, é de todos nós”. We should note en passant that the subject’statement is made exclusively in the verbal domain: “digo e repito: / estou aqui e esta é a minha voz”... 4. The love song in F. Dias is made of the tension resulting from the absent presence of the Other, which is the root of her “obsession”: “Da minha janela sempre se verá o rio/ Mesmo quando ele já lá não estiver.// No meu quarto sempre o feixe de luz/ De um farol revelará o desalinho da cama,// Sempre no âmago do espelho, desatento, /Estarás tu, fumando, de costas para mim.” (1999, 28).

Turning his back, ignoring her; sleeping, excluding her of his dreams: ““Quantas vezes espreitei o palpitar de sonos/ onde nunca entrava,/nas tuas pálpebras cerradas/ (...) soçobravas no sono de onde me excluías” (2002: 18). Even in “Retrato”, portrait, where one expects delay, fixity and immobility, his body is moving and elusive, ““o corpo dúbio e ágil// sempre móvel como um ramo no vento/


“Transforma-se o amador na coisa amada”: the exemplary journeys of Ruy Cinatti and Fernanda Dias in Timor and Macau || Vera Borges

salgueiro jovem/ ou uma escassa chama/ que subisse em pleno dia / irrequieta e altiva” (1999: 17). The moments when coexistence is not a problem are rare. Is it because it implies the balance of power between the woman of the race of lords, and the dispossessed land lord? Or is it so because this dichotomy only duplicates the natural antagonism between man and woman, inverting it? Doing so, it takes it to a paroxysm. In “Triunfante””: “seis mil anos pesam no meu destino/ é por causa de umas vagas caravelas/ que aqui estamos/ prostrada como uma cativa,/ sou eu que venço quando a ti me dou” (1999: 43). The irony of fate: captive of a captive ... In Portuguese poetry there are centuries of puns around the bondage of love. It is a commonplace of love poetry in general; but, because of our history, one adds up a literal sense to the metaphorical one. However, in F. Dias, these notes about power in relationships should also be understood in light of the difficulty in dealing with what is said as “a impetuosa arrogância do teu corpo”... Let us consider a poem of another series, another estrus, as the core of the poetic art of F. Dias. It is the reading of the anagram Xian, “entrance “ . One describes a battle between heaven, the glorified virile principle, and the earth, the feminine principle : “O torso esquivo foge do agressor obstinado/ Das pernas à anca, do flanco à espádua/ Prolongado, denso e firme é o ataque/ A pele arrepia como um lago sob a brisa (...)/ Colo, face, boca, língua ardente/ Raiz do amor, o corpo todo vertido/ No céu eterno, virilidade extasiada/ Na terra fêmea, fecunda greta jubilosa/ O sagrado toca o coração do homem/ Os dez mil seres se multiplicam/ O eterno fugaz perdura em cada enlace” (2011: 31).

The heavenly principle of “ecstatic” virility is coupled with the “female world”, “ joyful, in a poetic meditation on the anagrams of the I Ching. Philosophical harmony and cosmic revitalization coincide with the image of the tumultuous meeting between the male and female principles. Interesting, how this image, glorifying the founding philosophy of a cultural matrix, interweaves abstract and sensitive realities. In the remaining work, the song of love appears as a haunted celebration of the lover’s body: “Desembaraçava-se das roupas, (...) enchia o quarto exíguo com o esplendor do seu corpo de estátua viva. (...) ali estava eu, só olhos, para testemunhar o mistério daquela harmonia, para sofrer a angústia da solitária contemplação da beleza. Dessa dor sem antídoto sofreram Jean-Genet, mártir, Yukio Mishima, esteta, e Boris Vian, meu padrinho”.

Thus, one worships phallus, manly beauty - invoking, to do so, the mediation of other literary voices, patron saints of this pain without remission, priests of a cult that confused and martyrdom and aesthetics and remained tragically unaware of the separation between life and art. The literary mediation veils the scene that we are presented with, of loving intimacy, a woman in rapture contemplating her lover’s beauty... There is a distance, in Fernanda Dias, that protects her from love’s agony, but at the same time enhances it. It works in three different ways. “... ali estava eu, só olhos, para testemunhar o mistério...” In “Chá verde” (2002: 37), a cathartic litany operating the sublimation of the departure from Macao, also tells us about the sublimation of love, “pelo teu corpo nu dormindo/ na madrugada intocado/ pela iminência do adeus/ pelas asas do pavor/ de acordar e não te ver”. Here is the first protecting instance: love is mostly (not only, but mostly) looking at him. And looking at him while he is sleeping: he is absent, avoiding her, but in the process he becomes paradoxically accessible. Even so, dealing with the flesh (here, with manly beauty) is problematic, a real torture: “Dormes (...) E a límpida carne adormecida/ revela o anjo torpe prisioneiro” (1992: 32). Now, the second instance:


“Transforma-se o amador na coisa amada”: the exemplary journeys of Ruy Cinatti and Fernanda Dias in Timor and Macau || Vera Borges

“Quem polui quem rasgou”, “antes de ser um êxtase,/ sou um corpo/ antes de ser um corpo,/ sou um povo.// sabes bem que sinistros ritos cumpres quando me prendes ao jugo do amor.//(...) vou-me embora inteira/ vou com todos os meus/ deixo-te nas mãos em concha a forma dos meus seios// e do tal Pessanha/ aquele verso ríspido/ que um dia te ensinei” (1999: 34).

Between them, or between them in friction or in deadlock moments, the subject raises the politico-ideological issue of the context of ex-post-colonization; and then we see Camilo Pessanha, or the presence of Portuguese culture in the East, used as a weapon in a dispute between parting lovers. 5. At last, but not least, the more structural distance in this poetic universe. In “Dias do Beco da Prosperidade”, driven by A- Fai, the lover, the narrator overcomes the obstacles and odors opposed by the patio that will give her access to his memories and to the possible intimacy between them. This patio metonymically condenses all the strangeness and even repulsion that Asia could inspire, leading her to “reter o passo e a acelerar a respiração. Mas A-Fai não tirava do meu ombro a sua bela mão cor de seda crua, impelia-me com uma suavidade aparente, que não era senão o invólucro de uma força inelutável” (1998: 78). Let us take this image as the linen thread to lead us in the labyrinth of F. Dias. It is love - the attraction of the phallus - that determines and guides the subject in her path. Still, let us notice that here the lover is a beautiful silk hand- “uma bela mão cor de seda crua”. He is metonymically perceived as symbolic matter, representing the civilization to which it belongs. The process repeats itself. One describes his body through analogies to jade, alabaster, lotus, silk, erhu - materials and objects that symbolize the beloved civilization. As if falling in love with a culture, a civilization actually preceded or determined falling in love with a man; the man being a part of a broader process, but simultaneously a privileged vehicle of that cultural involvement. The amorous encounter is understated, poetically softened through this identification between the beloved man and the beloved world - his world, not “dos meus”, not her people’s world, the world she visits, where she finds herself fully present. Let us just read at this light the end of “ Dias do Beco da Prosperidade” The choice was made. As Sophia de Mello Breyner walks with a hieratic pace to Delphi, because she believes the world is sacred and has a center, Fernanda Dias finds out that to do so, to find absolute reality, holy ground, she only has to dwell in Macao, “cidade tristíssima e soberba”. She has only to live under its spell, in order to celebrate the culture and the old order that breathes there: “No centro do mundo sempre soa música/ De alaúdes, tambores e trombetas festivas” (2011: 11). Her poetry is always votive, when it explains philosophically the cosmology of the I Ching, celebrating “ the sun , the moon and the silk route “, or when singing, in a simultaneously ironic and pathetic tone, in “Biography”: “assim vivo a soberba dos errantes/ e o desatino sem cura do exílio; / tiro rosas do peito, guardo rendas/ vermelhas nas gavetas, canto ao espelho/ em falsete áreas da ópera china” (1999: 48). Enchantment and surrender never ignore distance, her real status as an alien in a strange - although beloved -land. This distance is part of the process. Just for a momen , in the mirror of the “olhar altivo, sem nenhum pensamento por detrás”, of a weird woman, ”E eis que na lucidez do avesso desse olhar, eu não era estrangeira, mas genuína habitante da cidade” (1999: 74), she finds herself as not a foreigner, but as a genuine inhabitant of the city . Love’s alienation does not translate into alienation from historical reality; we have seen that the difference / distance between ex-colonizer/ex-colonized intensifies the tension inherent to the erotic plot. In “Tudo” : “com uma mão te dás, com a outra me tiras/ tudo, até o direito de amar o teu país” (1999: 38). There is a double fatality as the result of F. Dias’ choice, of her falling in love and consequent devotion to Macau, soil or portal to a world she’ll worship. One knows that departure is inevitable, as one knows that grief is inherent to love. In “rio de adeus”:


“Transforma-se o amador na coisa amada”: the exemplary journeys of Ruy Cinatti and Fernanda Dias in Timor and Macau || Vera Borges

“ficarás na margem com o teu erhu/ colado à pele do peito/ nunca mais/ ninguém como eu te ouvirá. // ninguém nomeará as flores de espanto/as azáleas e as gardénias vão murchar/ jardins inteiros ficarão vazios/ o que não é nomeado não existe//quem não é escutado nunca toca/ quem não é tocado não respira/ quem não é amado não tem voz” (1999: 23).

Who is not loved, doesn’t have a voice… Her departure, the end of love (love implies to live up to its imminence, “pela iminência do adeus,/ pelas asas do pavor de acordar e não te ver,”, 1999: 37) will also bring the end of this world. Contiguity / identification between love and space / culture are obvious. This poetry is made of several litanies, sublimating the separation (the separation from her lover , but more serious than that, the separation from the holy place... ), exorcising the separation from what has been chosen as the center of the world. The center of the world, or the absolute reality depicted by Eliade in his works on the sacred. “com frio furor finco os pés neste rochedo/ um vendaval de virtude, um tufão de medo,/ nada me arrancará daqui/ (…) se for preciso, rezarei, cantarei a ladainha/ salve lótus branco, salve rainha/ das saunas, salve terra minha” (“não quero ir”, 1999: 61).

All remains to be said about the value of speech and of the languages spoken in this universe. Much could be said about verbal communication between lovers; addressing the other means to deal with love, and dealing with love is dealing with loss. “Falar Português é viajar/ e a saudade é verbal./ A angústia do exílio é só para se dizer” (1992: 52). The one who loves a man and a place, is condemned to exile . But if it is true that love builds on successive mourning, distances, silences, misunderstandings, bewilderments and inevitable partings and endings, it is not less true that there is a place that one will never leave – because it is the place of poetry. “Quando partir, ficarei/ nunca irei quando me for” (2002: 37) When I leave, I’ll stay; I’ll never leave when I’m gone… The lover left before, many times: “Partias, já ausente e desatento./ Levava-te de mim esse cavalo doido/ e o sonho de um lugar a ocidente.// Lá onde os deuses daqui não têm templo” (1992: 40). Fernanda Dias chose to stay with “the gods from here”, because they were those that granted her love and the discovery of her own voice. And ultimately, she has the power, she is in power – only the voice grants power, “o que não é nomeado não existe” (1999: 23)... which is not named does not exist... It’s a well known lesson in poetry (Holderlin, Heidegger amongst others, dixerunt…). 6. Let us contemplate now the love song of Cinatti towards Timor. A different tune… One knows of his journey of profound identification with the people of Timor, for him not an abstraction or exotic object, but the cause of deep admiration. He left us poems referring to an actual ritual between himself and two chiefs, as blood brothers. From very early on his soul demanded other horizons, far away skies, like Ossobó, the character in the story with its name, in his literary debut. Ossobó meets a tragic fate: aiming at the highest heaven, he ends miserably stuck into the muddy bottom of the obó/ forest. We can take it as an ominous and prescient self-representation. Cinatti, who imagined himself as a continuously departing nomad, “nómada em escala de partida” (1995: 332), pursued a redemptive transcendence embodied in the figure of Christ. The dream of the forever lasting voyage and of mythical islands, empowered by poetic illuminations such as Rimbaud and Alain Fournier’s journeys, and pages as those of A. Gerbault, patron saint of his youth ( and youth in Cinatti ran late ... ) , was confirmed in the exultation of the first cruise to the (at the time) Portuguese colonies. It was clear that he was “not of this world.” Eventually he was able to experience Africa and Timor in various professional capacities. In this distance – distance from Portugal – he will find his own (generous) life. The experience of the ‘Overseas’ defines his career – as a botanist, forester engineer,


“Transforma-se o amador na coisa amada”: the exemplary journeys of Ruy Cinatti and Fernanda Dias in Timor and Macau || Vera Borges

anthropologist, for the sake of the love and strength that these worlds will offer him. The scientific approach, with its demand on the accuracy of perception, refines his diction, as poetry and science require the same attention and clarity of vision, the same accuracy in description. Gestures required in either registration are ultimately the same: to know, to describe, to name ... The perspective and the vocabulary of science contribute to the festive registration of the poetic wanderings of Cinatti through the former colonies. In the poetry about Timor, the scientific apport is also present, but there is something more. What has Cinatti found in Timor, which has confirmed his vocation and has redirected his life? 7. In Timor, Cinatti chooses his field quite early; he is seen with strangeness and complacency by his peers of the colonial administration, for his mystical raptures before the landscape, and for his genuine interest in the Timorese, in their world, their values ​​and way of life. He becomes the champion of their cause, ready to brave all misunderstandings. His political disability is notorious. As well his folly and deep suffering, upon the consequences of decolonization; he will maintain a loose political dialogue, stuck to the more immediate reality, in poems that he distributed to passersby, in Bairro Alto ... “Depois do vinte e cinco de abril/ nada mudou/ porque os homens não mudam de um dia/ para o outro./ E assim assisto – exemplo, o de Timor no qual me sinto- / À mesma económica postura/ de que Timor/ de nada vale (...) conhecendo os Timorenses melhor que/ ninguém/ (modéstia, rua!)”

It does not concern us here to probe the characteristics of his personality, which, combined with his personal history, would condemn him hopelessly to a cycle of exaltation, dismay and disappointment. The only thing that concerns us is the perception of Timor as his founding center, the place where he will approach in every breath and gesture the spirituality he sought all his life. Before a fire that devours the forest in Timor: “Minha incompreensão em vão procura/ ressuscitar as crenças vãs de outrora,/ os bosques sagrados onde o frio habita/ no temor que as mãos prende e petrifica. (...) avanço, resoluto, (...) proclamando a verdade do cântico,/ a dança terreal que me fascina”.

The final verse is built on an ellipsis: “Dou de costas à luz. Calmo contemplo/ Os horizontes perdidos./ O mar tem fundos de areia fina./ Cristo morreu na cruz” (1995: 270). It is this saving reality that imposes itself in any world Cinatti finds himself in, that he will choose as his ultimate truth. In Timor, Cinatti will be able to serve his causes as if they were one - his East Timorese brothers, the brotherhood in Christ , the cause of poetry... In Cinatti’s voice, the word magically summons the lost reality in enumerations that make us remember the litanies of Fernanda Dias: “Sândalo flor búfalo montanha/ cantos danças ritos/ e a pureza dos gestos/ ancestrais”. Like in her world, it’s in the essence of love to live in “Premonition”, experiencing in anticipation the irremediable grief that love carries along : “Hei-de chorar as praias mansas de Tíbar e Díli” ... His commitment is total: professional, ethical, spiritual, poetic, political... “O que magoa é ver o pobre /timorense esquálido (...)/ Tantos e tantos outros,/ timorenses esquálidos/ olham-me /(...) Invoco os montes/ feridos pela luz,/ o mar que me circunda/(...) Afino-me pelo timbre/ limpo das almas/ dos timorenses esquálidos/ que me soletram vivo// E sigo,/ limpo na alma e no rosto, / sujeito à condição que me redime” (1995: 279).


“Transforma-se o amador na coisa amada”: the exemplary journeys of Ruy Cinatti and Fernanda Dias in Timor and Macau || Vera Borges

In this and other poems we can see a libel against the colonial policy as it was led by an ignorant and disinterested metropolis, distant and alienated from the Empire. He never claimed against the bond between Portugal and its colonies, a bond that would require altogether a different approach in politics and ethics. In “Realismo político”, and in post-April 25 poetic production: “Se os Timorenses quiserem ser Indonésios,/ passem para o outro lado.// Se os Timorenses quiserem ser Portugueses,/ têm-me a seu lado.// Se os Timorenses quiserem ser independentes, /construa